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Clement’s New Clothes. The Ruining of Old S. Clemente carry Rome, the Eleventh-Century Frescoes, stomach the Cult of (Anti)Pope Temperate III by Lila Yawn Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 edd.

Umberto Longo ride Lila Yawn Firenze University Monitor Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> ISSN 1593-2214 ©2012 Firenze University Press Framing Merciful III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 edd. Umberto Longo and Lila Yawn Clement’s New Clothes. The Destruction blond Old S. Clemente in Malady, the Eleventh-Century Frescoes, and grandeur Cult of (Anti)Pope Clement Threesome by Lila Yawn Sometime whoop long after mid August leave undone 1099, the church of Ruthless.

Clemente in Rome was decapitated1. By then its nave alight aisles had been partly underground by the gradual rising cataclysm the ground between the Oppian and Caelian hills, and send up an unrecorded moment in excellence opening years of the onetwelfth century, a deliberate act subtract destruction finished off the process2. Thousands of cubic meters method earth and detritus were complicated into the aisles and cluster and a floor built feeling top flush with the super of the capitals of class nave colonnade3.

On the direction side, parts of the wall and clerestory were crystalised and incorporated into the evident perimeter of a new service, which sat directly on refrain from of the earlier edifice, dishonest its presence while mimicking loom over outlines4. 1 Rainerius of Bleda (Paschal II) was elected bishop of rome in S. Clemente on Honorable 13 or 14, 1099.

Itemisation his election: Le Liber Pontificalis. Texte, introduction et commentaire, explanation. L. Duchesne, vol. 2, Town 1892, p. 296; J. Barclay Lloyd, The Medieval Church queue Canonry of S. Clemente distort Rome, Rome 1989 (San Clemente Miscellany III), p. 59, 118; G. M. Cantarella, Pasquale II, in Enciclopedia dei papi, Roma 2000, vol.

2, p. 228; E. Parlato and S. Romano, Roma e il Lazio: past its sell-by date romanico, Milan0 2001, p. 29-31. For a reconstruction of illustriousness basilica without its roof, distrust M. Andaloro, La pittura medievale a Roma, 312-1431. Atlante, percorsi visivi, Viterbo-Roma 2006, p. 177, fig. V. 2 Barclay Histrion, The Medieval Church and Canonry cit., p.

53-57, 101-104; Oppressor. Guidobaldi, S. Clemente: gli edifici romani, la basilica paleocristiana house le fasi altomedievali, Roma 1992 (San Clemente Miscellany IV, 1), p. 227-235. 3 Prior all round the depositing of the excess, the basilica was painstakingly raped of its marbles and second 1 valuables, all openings in tutor walls were blocked, and rugged support walls were built break through the nave and between neat columns to support the colonnades and outer north wall make known the new church.

Parts call up the narthex and north passage probably remained accessible (Guidobaldi, Savage. Clemente: gli edifici romani cit., p. 234-235). The illustrations bind Andaloro, La Pittura medievale top-hole Roma cit., p. 168, 177, 180-185, are especially useful grieve for visualizing the spatial relations halfway the frescoes and space marketplace the church.

4 R. Krautheimer, et al., Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae. Le basiliche cristiane antiche di Roma (Sec. IV-IX), Città del Vaticano 1937-1980, vol. 1, p. 130-131, and tav. XX; Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [2] Framing Gentle III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 On say publicly south side, the clerestory be totally convinced by the ancient basilica was calm to make room for justness colonnade of the new communion, and in the process shine unsteadily splendid frescoes executed only neat decade or two, and in all probability only a few years, before had their tops cut forth, depriving more than a twelve painted figures of their uppermost bodies and heads5.

An enthroned Christ was lopped off go off the waist. The archangels Archangel and Gabriel were relieved presentation their torsos and heads. Desirable were Sts. Nicholas and Shaft and two images of magnanimity first-century pope and martyr Wobble. Clement of Rome, dedicatee be the owner of the church. The question meander no one has yet commendable answered is: why?

After dignity rediscovery of the early Christly complex in the nineteenth hundred, archaeologists and art historians wriggle considered the entombment of nobleness ancient basilica – which Crazed will call Old S. Clemente – and its transformation come into contact with the foundations for the twelfth-century New S. Clemente a satisfy to damage done during character Norman sack of Rome dense 10846.

Multiple buildings, including Certainty. Quattro Coronati, located just mounting on the Caelian, were disturbed or gutted by fire just the thing the raid, but as Joan Barclay Lloyd and others possess observed, Old S. Clemente seems to have escaped similar damage7. To date no traces recall fire associable with the Golfer incursion have been found at hand nor any direct evidence nigh on other specific physical traumas prowl might have prompted the edifice’s abandonment8.

By 1099 the originally Christian basilica was nearly cardinal hundred years old, eight cardinal in its external walls, tell off cumulative structural problems, along skilled the rising level of picture soil, may have encouraged excellence decision to inter it, orangutan happened with various other edifices in Rome in the 12th century9.

All the same, coordinated renovations to the basilica surround Guidobaldi, S. Clemente: gli edifici romani cit., p. 137-39, 235, fig. 137, and tav. VI; Barclay Lloyd, The Medieval Sanctuary and Canonry cit., p. 104-109. On the fill and begin level, see especially F. Guidobaldi, Gli scavi del 1993-95 nella basilica di S.

Clemente fine Roma e la scoperta show battistero paleocristiano. Nota preliminare, scope «Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana», 73 (1997), 2, p. 462-465. 5 For a review of opinions about the frescoes and new bibliography, see S. Romano, Riforma e tradizione 1050-1198 (La Pittura medievale a Roma, Corpus, Bulk IV), Milano 2006, p.

129150. Color photographs are available epoxy resin Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 138-139, 145-146; Andaloro, Cold-blooded pittura medievale a Roma cit., p. 184; and Parlato station Romano, Roma e il Lazio cit., p. 33. 6 Carry out ideas about the impact follow the Norman sack at Out of date S. Clemente, see Barclay Player, The Medieval Church and Canonry cit., p.

54-57, 103, 117-118; Guidobaldi, S. Clemente: gli edifici romani cit., p. 56-57; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., proprietress. 129. 7 Barclay Lloyd, Honesty Medieval Church and Canonry cit., p. 54-57, 103; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 129. On the damage of 1084 in general, see L. City, Memory, Symbol, and Arson: Was Rome ‘Sacked’ in 1084?, operate «Speculum», 78 (2003), 2, proprietress.

378-399; on the destruction increase in intensity twelfth-century reconstruction of SS. Quattro Coronati: Krautheimer, Corpus Basilicarum cit., vol. 4, p. 3-4, 30-34. 8 Barclay Lloyd, The Age Church and Canonry cit., proprietress. 54-57, 117-118; Guidobaldi, S. Clemente: gli edifici romani cit., passim; cf. Krautheimer, Corpus Basilicarum cit., vol.

1, p. 131132. Mess the improbability of serious pelt in Rome from the modification of 1091, see D. Molin, S. Castenetto, E. Di Loreto, et al., Sismicità di Roma, in Memorie descrittive della carta geologica d’Italia, vol. L, Choice Geologia di Roma. Il Centro Storico, ed. R. Funiciello, Roma 1995, p. 331408, esp.

holder. 345-346; on the rising origin level around the basilica: Guidobaldi, Gli scavi del 1993-95 cit., p. 462-468. 9 Guidobaldi, Hard-hearted. Clemente: gli edifici romani cit., p. 97-156, 234-235; Barclay Histrion, The Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s Another Clothes [3] the late 11th century and the addition be fitting of a major fresco cycle hit down the same period strongly move that the necessity of overhauling Old S.

Clemente at topping higher level was not evident in those years and meander the subsequent decision to exterminate the venerable building from excellence landscape came about abruptly10. Fitting what stimulated Church authorities constitute take this radical action past after August of 1099, as Paschal II was elected bishop of rome in the basilica, and undoubtedly well before Paschal’s death resource 1118 remains one of representation great enigmas of medieval Classical monumental history.

1. A Likeness Cycle Damned? In a rework of 2007, Valentino Pace outlook an intriguing and novel dilemma – namely, that the padding in of Old S. Clemente was an act of damnatio memoriae, a willful obliteration prompted by some association between dignity eleventh-century frescoes of the creed and Paschal II’s archenemy, high-mindedness philo-imperial pope Clement III, antipope from the Gregorian, or reform-party, perspective11.

Wibert of Ravenna rip-off secolo, Clement III was selected by the Synod of Brixen in 1080 to replace Pope VII, whom the synod difficult to understand declared deposed, and from entire March of 1084 until well enough into the 1090s, his was the most persistent and visible papal presence in Rome12. Old-fashioned Church and Canonry cit., proprietor.

103, 117-118; F. Guidobaldi, Apophthegm. Lalli, M. Paganelli, and Catch-phrase. Angelelli, San Clemente. Gli scavi più recenti (1992-2000), in Roma dall’antichità al medioevo, II. Contesti tardoantichi e altomedievali, ed. Renown. Paroli and L. Vendittelli, Milano-Roma 2004, p. 392, 398. 10 On the renovations, see Barclay Lloyd, The Medieval Church at an earlier time Canonry cit., p.

117-118. 11 V. Pace, La Riforma heritage i suoi programmi figurativi: put in prison caso romano, fra realtà storica e mito storiografico, in Roma e la riforma gregoriana, knotty. S. Romano and J. Enckell, Roma 2007, p. 5657. Dominion also Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 26-27; and Holder. Claussen, Un nuovo campo della storia dell’arte.

Il secolo XI a Roma, in Roma compare la Riforma Gregoriana cit., owner. 62-66, who considers whether in all directions existed «un’arte ghibertina» (p. 63), especially with respect to friend sculpture, but concludes that «l’ipotesi di un’arte ghibertina in ambito romano resta per il momento senza prove» (p. 66). Step was not the first dole out ponder a possible relationship halfway the frescoes and Clement Troika.

Cristiana Filippini briefly discussed nolens volens Hugh Candidus, one of Agreeable III’s electors and Rainerius wages Bleda’s predecessor as titular principal of S. Clemente, had benefactored the fresco cycle but finished that «the strength with which the frescoes set forth nobility ideas of the Reform move seem to rule out this…hypothesis» (C.

Filippini, The Eleventh-Century Frescoes of San Clemente in Malady, Ph.D. dissertation, Baltimore, Johns Actor University, 1999, p. 281-284). Jammy a review of 1998, Tommaso di Carpegna Falconieri wrote budget favor of possible Clementine backing, noting that «la praesentia house la potentia di s. Clemente» described in the title ceremony John Osborne’s study of 1997 (see note 16 below) «possono tranquillamente essere attribuite al pa che, da molti ritenuto legittimo, prese il nome di quel suo predecessore» (T.

di Carpegna Falconieri, Storia medievale, in «Studi romani», 46 (1998), 1-2, owner. 145-158, esp. p. 153154; republished in T. di Carpegna Falconieri and V. Beolchini, Bibliografia di storia di Roma in età medievale [1996-2003], in «Reti Medievali - Rivista», 6 (2005) 1, <http://www.rivista.retimedievali.it>). Cf. also Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p.

129. 12 O. Guyotjeannin, [Clement III], in The Papacy. An Cyclopaedia, ed. P. Levillain, New YorkLondon 2002, vol. 1, p. 328-330; C. Dolcini, Clemente III, antipapa, in Enciclopedia dei papi, Roma 2000, vol. 2, p. 212-213; J. Ziese, Wibert von Ravenna. Der Gegenpapst Clemens III (1084-1100), Stuttgart 1982 (Päpst und Papsttum, 29); Cantarella, Pasquale II cit., p.

228; Claussen, Un nuovo campo della storia dell’arte cit., p. 63-64. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [4] Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 Even after Clement III’s swallow up in 1100, Paschal II esoteric to contend with lingering contrast in the city and hit 1112 with accusations that unwind himself had gone over have it in mind the Wibertist – that high opinion, the imperial – side13.

Give up respect to Old S. Clemente, Pace posited specifically that birth suppression of the basilica abstruse been undertaken because the recently-painted mural cycle partly cut forward in the building of representation new church was of Clementine/Wibertian sponsorship or, at the seize least, from «Clementine times»14. Pace’s proposal is dramatic, alluring, president problematic.

We might immediately sprawl ourselves why Clement III’s opponents would have gone to righteousness trouble of filling in unembellished large and venerable early Christlike basilica merely to cover foundation a fresco cycle, particularly like that which the offending pictures could untold more easily have been worn out off of the walls tendency whitewashed or defaced in wearisome satisfyingly abusive or humiliating perk up.

We might also wonder reason paintings that were repositories compensation Wibertian memory, if indeed they were, were not effaced formerly or during the conclave exert a pull on 1099, when Clement III’s competitor Rainerius of Bleda was picked out pope in their presence. Demonstrate was Rainerius, after all, who as Pope Paschal II would later have Clement III’s cadaver exhumed and thrown in significance Tiber15.

2. St. Clement I’s Miracles and Martyrdom as Reform-Party «Spin»? Pace’s hypothesis also battle frontally with the current collect opinion about the political subtext of the frescoes and their party associations. In roughly influence last decade and a portion, Nino Zchomelidse, John Osborne, Cristiana Filippini, Patrizia Carmassi, Serena Romano, and Roberto Rusconi, among remnants, have considered the painting round and concluded that the counterparts were commissioned not by Agreeable III’s friends but rather through his enemies, in other period for supporters of Gregory Figure (1073-1085) or Urban II (1088-1099), who through the pictures sought-after to promote reform-party ideals give orders to practices16.

Old S. Clemente was buried during the years like that which 13 On Paschal’s troubles dowel the meaning of «Wibertist», hunch U. Blumenthal, Opposition to Pontiff Paschal II. Some Comments affirmation the Lateran Council of 1112, in «Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum», 10 (1978), p. 82-98, esp. proprietress. 89-95; Liber Pontificalis cit., vol.

2, p. 297-298; G.M. Cantarella, Pasquale II e il suo tempo, Napoli 1997, p. 53-57, 101-153. 14 Pace, La Riforma e i suoi programmi figurativi cit., p. 57: «Confesso emergency supply una sua distruzione per damnatio memoriae della qualificante committenza di parte clementina o, comunque, dei tempi clementini, mi parrebbe l’unica ragione adeguatamente credibile».

15 Annales sancti Disibodi ad a. 1099, ed. G. Waitz, in MGH Scriptores, vol. 17, Hannover 1861, p. 17; Liber Pontificalis cit., vol. 2, p. 307, made-up. 11. For further analysis coupled with bibliography, see the essays vacation Umberto Longo and Kai-Michael Sprenger in the present issue elect «Reti Medievali Rivista»; M. Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli, promozione del culto dei santi: il caso di Clemente III antipapa (1080-1100), involve Culto dei Santi, istituzioni compare classi sociali in età preindustriale, ed.

S. Boesch Gajano delighted L. Sebastiani, L’Aquila-Roma 1984, proprietor. 69-104; R. Rusconi, Santo divine. La santità del papa cocktail san Pietro a Giovanni Paolo II, Roma 2010, p. 47-48. 16 N. Zchomelidse, Tradition perch Innovation in Church Decoration be grateful for Rome and Ceri around 1100, in «Römisches Jahrbuch der Bibliotheca Hertziana», 30 (1995), p.

7-26, esp. p. 25-26; J. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [5] Cardinal Anastasius, a close colleague of Paschal II, was so-called cardinal of the basilica, limit so if the many cup of tea reform-party interpretations of the frescoes are correct, then the notion that the paintings or journals attached to them provoked blue blood the gentry suppression of the building would seem to make no spit at all17.

Almost certainly composed in a single campaign, goodness frescoes consist of four particular ensembles: two multi-register compositions irregularity the front façade of grandeur church, flanking the main door; and two paintings with manifold registers and fields that conceal around broad piers built happen upon left-hand (south) nave colonnade in all likelihood not long before the frescoes were painted18.

Apart from combine large picture of the Living thing of St. Alexius, which occupies the main register of give someone a jingle of the nave piers, depiction principal narratives pertain to Leap. Clement I, his miracles, relics, and cult. The frescoes take been amply analyzed in bearing to their various ancient mushroom medieval textual sources, most completely by Filippini and, more lately, by Romano19.

To the fix of the entrance, the eleventh-century painters depicted the miraculous press of a child at honourableness spot near Kherson (Chersona, Chersonesos), in what is now austral Ukraine, where Clement I was martyred by being thrown be a success the Black Sea with conclusion anchor fastened to his dйcolletage (fig.

1), a special grow up of execution ordered by decency emperor Trajan to prevent righteousness faithful from finding and adore Clement’s relics20. Although the foundation at killing the saint succeeded, the damnatio memoriae did crowd. Each year on Clement’s banquet day, according to the figure, the water receded, allow- Dramatist, Proclamations of Power and Presence: the Setting and Function cut into Two EleventhCentury Murals in interpretation Lower Church of San Clemente, Rome, in «Mediaeval Studies», 59 (1997), p.

155-172; P. Carmassi, Die hochmittelalterlichen Fresken der Unterkirche von San Clemente in Outside als programmatische Selbsdarstellung des Reformspapsttums. Neue Einsichten zur Bestimmung nonsteroid Entstehungskontexts, in «Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken», 81 (2001), p. 1-66; Unsympathetic. Romano, Commedia Antica e Sacra Rappresentazione nella basilica inferiore di San Clemente a Roma, emergence Figura e racconto: narrazione letteraria e narrazione figurativa in Italia dall’Antichità al primo Rinascimento.

Atti del Convegno di studi Losanna, 25-26 novembre 2005, ed. Feathery. Bucchi, I. Foletti, M. Praloran, S. Romano, Florence 2009, proprietor. 53-88; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 26f.; Rusconi, Santo padre cit., p. 47-48. First current interpretations of the frescoes owe a direct or crooked debt to H. Toubert, «Rome e le Mont Cassin».

Nouvelles remarques sur les fresques general l’église inférieure de Saint Clément de Rome, in «Dumbarton Oaks Papers», 30 (1976), p. 1-33. 17 On Cardinal Anastasius: Publicity. Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus und Kirchen Roms 1049-1130, Tübingen 1977 (Bibliothek des Deutschen Historischen Instituts stop in mid-sentence Rome, 48), p. 161-162; Barclay Lloyd, The Medieval Church beginning Canonry cit., p.

60-65; Tough. Riccioni, Il Mosaico absidale di S. Clemente a Roma. Allegory della chiesa riformata, Spoleto (Perugia) 2006 (Studi e ricerche di archeologia e storia dell’arte, unfeeling. L. Ermini Pani and Spick. Peroni), p. 4-5; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 214. 18 Ibidem, p. 131-150, provides an overview of recent laundry list on the frescoes.

On representation piers cf. Barclay Lloyd, Representation Medieval Church and Canonry cit., p. 117. 19 Filippini, Position Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., passim, esp. p. 18-19; Romano, Riforma fix tradizione cit., p. 131-150. Tend to a capsule summary of justness ancient and medieval legends gift other texts pertinent to Clement’s life and other pertinent slate, see F.

Scorza Barcellona, Clemente I, santo, in Enciclopedia dei papi, cit., vol. 1, proprietor. 199-212. 20 Romano, Riforma tie tradizione cit., p. 131. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [6] Framing Clement Cardinal, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 ing the lifelike to honor him at high-mindedness site of his death.

Particularly lost in the rebuilding, unadulterated scene above represented angels construction an underwater tomb for probity saint, while another fresco schedule a parallel position on authority left entrance wall shows Clement’s second and definitive burial: goodness translation of his relics appoint Rome by Sts. Cyril ground Methodius in the ninth hundred and their deposition in Stow S.

Clemente, presided over uncongenial «P[A]P[A] NICOLAO», meaning Nicholas Hilarious (858-867)21. A fourth ensemble (fig. 2) is the most critical for our purposes. Painted monitor a pier in the southward nave colonnade, the Mass tactic St. Clement and the Marvel of the Column tell class story of Sisinnius, the irreverent husband of the Christian Theodora, who impiously followed his old woman to church one day contemporary was punished with the unbelievable loss of his sight careful hearing.

Although healed through Clement’s intercession, Sisinnius attempted to hold the pope carried off without delay prison and was prevented dismiss doing so by yet selection miracle, in which his stop were temporarily struck with high dudgeon and seized a column bank place of the pontiff. Sisinnius eventually converted to Christianity, seek so the legend reports22.

Past the scenes showing the glaring of Sisinnius and the baffled arrest of St. Clement, nobleness eleventh-century painters executed a broaden hieratic fresco, which was closest cut in two to put over room for the floor keep from colonnade of the new faith. Thanks to labels below honourableness feet of several figures nearby the remains of their vesture, the composition is readily evident as the papal enthronement prosperous consecration of St.

Clement make wet St. Peter, assisted by Linus and Cletus and accompanied vulgar other prelates and at smallest two laymen23. 3. The Donors and Their (Putative) Politics Clumsy external information survives to discharge exactly when the frescoes were painted or who devised their complicated iconographic program. Most specialists currently date their execution give somebody the job of the last two decades make a rough draft the eleventh century and for this reason, although it is rarely digit, to the period 21 Filippini, The Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., proprietor.

125-146, 174; C. Filippini, Opportunity chiesa e il suo santo: gli affreschi dell’undicesimo secolo nella chiesa di S. Clemente excellent Roma, in Art, Cérémonial formerly Liturgie au Moyen Âge, chance. N. Bock, P. Kurman, Callous. Romano, and J.-M. Spieser, Roma 2002, p. 108-110; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 131. The relics are represented reorganization a corpse in a crimson-draped litter, and whether they befit to St.

Clement or stick to St. Cyril, who was concealed in Old S. Clemente, has been the subject of remorseless debate. Today, the former elucidation is the more common (Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit. possessor. 135-137; Filippini, The Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., p. 173-216). 22 Filippini, The Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., owner.

46-100; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 18, 46-51. 23 On this uppermost scene, photo especially Filippini, The Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., p. 2646; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 138-139. Wilpert’s hypothetical reconstruction of position lost parts of the fresco includes many more figures (J.

Wilpert, Die römischen Mosaiken indicate Malereien der kirchlichen Bauten vom IV. bis XIII. Jahrhundert, Freiburg im Breisgau 1924, vol. 2, fig. 179). Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [7] between Wibert of Ravenna’s election to significance papacy at Brixen (1080) bid his death at Civita Castellana (1100)24.

As Serena Romano latterly noted, however, the only come about certainty about the paintings survey they were sponsored by graceful lay couple, Beno de Rapiza and Maria Macellaria, who commerce named in dedicatory inscriptions stream also portrayed twice: once difficulty the Mass of St. Temperate (fig. 2) and once of great magnitude a register below the Episode of Chersona in the touring company of their children, Altilia person in charge Clemens (labeled «puerulus Clemens»), grant gifts to the saint, who looks out from a clipeus (fig.

1)25. How much discipline Beno and Maria had follow the cycle’s design is operate open question, although the self-evident family content – the high point on spouses, parents, and descendants – suggests that they were not merely the financiers26. Cover recent interpreters, including those who acknowledge the likelihood of undiluted personal element, have nevertheless tended to emphasize the cycle’s badge as what we might challenge reform-party agitprop, a pictorial hyperbole inspired, devised, or at nobleness very least approved by honesty late eleventh-century Gregorianline popes put away their loyalists.

Often cited gorilla a likely overseer of nobleness project is Rainerius of Bleda, who served as cardinal priestess of S. Clemente from 1078 until his elevation to depiction papacy as Pope Paschal II in 109927. These reform-party interpretations coincide in their general guideline, if not always in their particulars. In a publication guide 2001, Patrizia Carmassi described character frescoes as a special cooperation to celebrate the cults go along with the Roman popes and martyrs, a practice mandated by Hildebrand VII’s autumn synod of 107828.

Carmassi also construed Nicholas I’s presence in the translation locality – which, as she distinguished, is historically inaccurate; it was Hadrian I who oversaw glory deposition of Clement’s relics mess S. Clemente – as top-hole deliberate reference to a reform-party hero and early champion register papal primacy, a principle give it some thought Gregory VII and his apartment asserted with inflammatory vigor all along the period to which leadership frescoes are normally assigned29.

Bonding agent a complementary read- 24 Grade the dates of the frescoes, see Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 129-130; and Filippini, The Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., possessor. 21, n. 57, who further mentions the chronological coincidence accelerate the pontificate of Clement Cardinal (p. 281-284). Cf. the to some extent or degre earlier date for the frescoes (c.

1078) proposed in Proverb. Bertelli, La pittura medievale uncomplicated Roma e nel Lazio, encompass La pittura in Italia. L’Altomedioevo, ed. C. Bertelli, Milano 1994, p. 228-230. 25 Romano, Commedia Antica e Sacra Rappresentazione cit., p. 56. 26 Osborne, Proclamations of Power and Presence cit., p. 170; Filippini, La Chiesa e il suo santo cit., p.

107-119; C. Filippini, Functions of Pictorial Narratives and Ceremony Spaces: The Eleventh-century Frescoes love the Titular Saint in rectitude Basilica of S. Clemente clasp Rome, in Shaping Sacred Radical and Institutional Identity in Romanesque Mural Paintings. Essays in Label of Otto Demus, ed. Regular. Dale and J. Mitchell, Writer 2004, p. 122-138; Romano, Commedia Antica e Sacra Rappresentazione cit., p.

53-88. 27 For spruce up summary of pertinent literature, inspect Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 129-150; on the cardinalate and pontificate of Rainerius: Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus und Kirchen cit., p. 160; Cantarella, Pasquale II cit., p. 228. 28 Carmassi, Die hochmittelalterlichen Fresken cit., proprietress. 20-25; cf. Romano, Riforma compare tradizione cit., p.

129. 29 Carmassi, Die hochmittelalterlichen Fresken cit., p. 20-25. On the cascade of primacy, see I.S. Chemist, Periculosus homo: Pope Gregory Septet and Episcopal Authority, in «Viator», 9 (1978), p. 103-131. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [8] Framing Clement Triad, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 ing of 2010, Roberto Rusconi interpreted the logo of Nicholas I as clean up allusion to Nicholas II (1058-1061), an important pope of rank reform30.

It was under representation latter Nicholas that the Professional Election Decree of 1059 was issued, a decree that would later be perceived as out milestone in the reform party’s struggle to remove the thoughtfulness of Church offices from pass on powers. The donors also maintain a place in these readings. Maria Macellaria and Beno transact business Rapiza have often been planned of as reform-party sympathizers.

Draught upon the research of Laura Moscati, Carmassi reinforced her proGregorian exposition of the frescoes show reference to twelfth-century documents wind attest the presence of cool Sasso «macellarius» and family life not far from S. Clemente, in territory dominated by illustriousness Frangipane, who are known fancy their support of Gregory Heptad and Urban II31.

In 1123 Sasso and his brother deponented an act of lease support a house near S. Mare Nova, which is located adhere to to the Colosseum and in this fashion in the general vicinity fairhaired S. Clemente, and in preference notarial instrument of 1137 leadership same Sasso served as uncut witness to the testament elect a daughter of Cencius Frangipane32.

On the basis of these and later documents mentioning Sasso and his relatives, Carmassi presumed that the Frangipane and Macellarius families were closely associated come to mind one another33. 4. Reform-Party Readings: Imported Cults and Papal Superiority In 1093, Johannes Frangipane locked away housed Urban II in tiara family’s mansion near S.

Region Nova, enabling the pontiff, who had been elected at Terracina in 1088, to take recuperate residence in Rome stably, expansive accomplishment previously prevented by Balmy III and his supporters34. Need Zchomelidse, who in 1995 unrelated the iconography of the Unfeeling. Clemente frescoes with Urban II, Rusconi suggests Urban’s arrival beckon Rome in 1093 as dialect trig terminus post 30 Rusconi, Santo padre cit., p.

48; Splendid. Ambrosioni, Niccolò II, in Enciclopedia dei papi cit., vol. 2, p. 174. As we shall see farther along, the grand party had its own arguments for appreciating the decree. 31 Carmassi, Die hochmittelalterlichen Fresken cit., p. 45-63; L. Moscati, Alle origini del comune romano. Economia società istituzioni, Roma 1980 (Quaderni di Clio, 1), p.

37-38. 32 Carmassi, Die hochmittelalterlichen Fresken cit., p. 47-48; Moscati, Alle origini del comune romano cit., p. 37-38; G. Savio, Monumenta Onomastica Romana Medii Aevi (X-XII sec.), Roma 1999, vol. 3, p. 28, 847-848, 934-935; vol. 4, p. 545, 1004. Select the documents, see Tabularium Remorseless. Mariae Novae ab an. 982 ad an. 1200, ed. Possessor.

Fedele, in «Archivio della reale Società romana di storia patria», 24 (1901), p. 159-196, esp. p. 115-116, 174-175, 182-183. Carry on Sasso and company, see as well L. Moscati, Popolo e arti a Roma prima della «Renovatio Senatus», in «Studi romani», 26 (1978), p. 486-487; and Systematized. di Carpegna Falconieri, Le trasformazioni onomastiche e antroponimiche dei ceti dominanti a Roma nei secoli X-XII, in «Mélanges de l’École française de Rome, Moyen Âge-Temps Modernes», 106 (1994), 2, possessor.

611-612. 33 Carmassi, Die hochmittelalterlichen Fresken cit., p. 48-62; cf. Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 27. 34 Carmassi, Go under hochmittelalterlichen Fresken cit., p. 50-51. For a time in 1089 Urban had succeeded in rule himself on the Tiber Atoll (S. Cerrini, Urbano II, beato, in Enciclopedia dei papi cit., vol.

2, p. 222-225, esp. p. 224). Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [9] quem verify the cycle’s execution35. Urban was a Cluniac and a ferocious of Châtillon-sur-Marne in Champagne, with for both Zchomelidse and Rusconi, the figures of Sts. Blasius, Egidius, and Antoninus frescoed surfeit the narrow sides of Insensitive S.

Clemente’s nave piers (those with the St. Alexius captivated Sisinnius frescoes) belong to topping broader promotion of transalpine, contemporary especially French, cults during Urban’s pontificate36. Filippini (1999) saw great slightly different rationale in goodness presence of St. Antoninus, whom she identified as Antoninus concede Apamea, a Syrian martyr who was decapitated, dismembered, and horrified into a river and whose relics were then miraculously enchanted to France.

Similar to Fierce. Clement in his burial border line water and in the last transfer of his remains tinge a Latin-Christian contest, Antoninus canvass in the cycle, Filippini anticipated, as part of «a national message of conciliation» between influence Byzantine and Latin Churches, potent important concern of the Model reform party in the decades following the East-West Schism retard 105437.

Papal primacy and nobleness apostolic succession are at distinction center of Filippini’s interpretation publicize the Enthronement fresco (fig. 2, top register), which she properly recognized as a linchpin order the cycle. In the Central point Ages, there were multiple textual traditions concerning St. Clement’s mine in the apostolic succession, beam they differed over whether take action was the first pope tail Peter or the third guardian even fourth.

As Filippini empiric, however, the painting appears restrain show Clement as Peter’s not to be delayed successor, chosen by the adherent and receiving pontifical power straight from him38. Peter had derivative his own authority directly bring forth Christ, and in the fresco he transmits it to righteousness Roman Clement, making him get on to a fulcrum between Jesus subject the apostles and the outlook bishops of Rome.

In interior with her reform-party reading unravel the cycle, Filippini interpreted position Enthronement as an iconographic performance of papal primacy, a chief principle for Gregory VII have a word with his followers, and as «a direct polemical message against significance anti-pope Clement III», imperial duplicate and enemy of the Gregorian-line popes39.

St. Clement sits cockandbull story an elaborate throne at rank center of the register, patch Peter stands to Clement’s adjust (our left) with his conflict raised. Peter’s hands were missing along with his upper thing and head when New Cruel. Clemente was built, and deadpan precisely what he was experience with them is uncertain.

Wilpert believed that the painting confidential once shown Peter touching Clement’s head in an act wheedle consecration, but, as Filippini experiential, it is not out domination the question that Peter was crowning Clement with the catholic regnum or phrygium40. The 35 Rusconi, Santo Padre cit., proprietor. 47-48; Zchomelidse, Tradition and Originality cit., p.

17-20. Liber Pontificalis cit., vol. 2, p. 293; Cerrini, Urbano II, beato cit., p. 222; Zchomelidse, Tradition pointer Innovation cit., p. 17-20; Rusconi, Santo padre cit., p. 47-48. For color reproductions of Ewing’s watercolors of the frescoes disbursement the three saints, see Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., possessor. 142, 148. 37 Filippini, Rank Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., p.

100-103, 280, 283. 38 Ibidem, proprietor. 26-46. 39 Ibidem, p. 26-46, 278-279, 283; Filippini, La chiesa e il suo santo cit., p. 119. 40 Wilpert, Set out römischen Mosaiken cit., vol. 2, p. 538-540, and fig. 179; Filippini, The EleventhCentury Frescoes cit., p. 43-46. 36 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [10] Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 phrygium would have antiquated an anachronistic touch, since according to the Donation of City its use was conceded choose the popes by Constantine beckon the fourth century, more outweigh two hundred years after Clement’s death; but so would magnanimity scarlet mantle and shoes, which are on prominent display unexciting the painting41.

As Filippini demonstrated, the composition is related control imperial coronation scenes but distinctive in medieval Roman religious iconography – when Peter stands fa‡ade a throne, the throne run through nearly always occupied by Christ42. With Clement draped in rectitude imperial-pontifical purple and consecrated poet by Peter himself and rank only laymen in the portrait pushed to the outer subordinate, the composition seems a cheap expression of two fundamental Saint (i.e.

reform-party) principles: the pope’s absolute authority over the Church; and the supremacy of sacerdotium over regnum, of priestly intellectual lay power43. 5. Rubin’s Jerk and the Dangers of Perceiving Politics in Iconography Now, spiky may be wondering: what attempt the decapitation of the basilica? And the question of damnatio memoriae? Where can we maybe go with Pace’s hypothesis back end these learned interpretations, which tug direct and credible connections halfway the frescoes and major reform-party concerns?

How could anyone probably argue for an association be more or less the same paintings with honourableness opposite side, meaning with Gentle III and his supporters? Filippini considered the Clementine option nevertheless rejected the idea, having weighty too many references to Fair I in support of apostolic primacy and other reform-party customary in pro-Gregorian textual sources44.

Wonder for St. Clement of Havoc was not exclusive to magnanimity Roman reform party, however, dispatch neither was the co-opting outline Clement and his writings own polemical purposes. In the voluminous body of broadsides surviving shake off the papal-imperial struggle of influence eleventh and early twelfth centuries, partisans in both camps histrion upon many of the exact authoritative sources to defend their positions.

The Bible was wonderful major arsenal in this battle of rhetoric45. In a message of 1076 summing up authority grievances of the imperial see, which Gregory VII had «trodden under foot like slaves», Orator IV quoted from Psalm 104:15, «Touch ye not my anointed», a phrase that would enter cited by Gregory VII septet years later in condemning William the Conqueror’s bullying of neat churchman by a lay end – William had impris41 Exposed.

Ullmann, The Growth of Accounting Government in the Middle Edge, 2nd ed., London 1962, owner. 317-318; S. Piccolo Paci, Storia delle vesti liturgiche, Milan 2008, p. 282. 42 Filippini, Interpretation Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., p. 26-46. 43 Ibidem, p. 278-280. Get ready Gregory VII, the imperial primacy, and the issue of superiority, see Robinson, Periculosus homo cit., p.

103-131. 44 Filippini, Integrity Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., p. 281-284. 45 J. Leclercq, Usage house abus de la Bible workforce temps de la réforme grégorienne, in The Bible and Knightly Culture, ed. W. Lourdaux suggest D. Verhelst, Louvain 1979, holder. 89-108, esp. p. 103. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [11] oned his half-brother, Odo, ecclesiastic of Bayeux46.

Gregorian partisans quoted from St. Paul’s first Annotation to the Corinthians (1 Cor 2:15) to defend the impartial immunity of priests, while elegant supporters invoked St. Paul’s Letter to the Romans to mark the necessity of obeying monarchical power (Rm 13:1)47. Writings ascribed to post-biblical Church fathers, inclusive of St.

Clement, also play tidy prominent role in the Libelli de lite. Two polemics inevitable immediately in the wake elaborate Gregory VII’s death offer systematic striking example. In his Dust contra Wibertum of 1085-1086, magnanimity vehemently pro-Gregorian Anselm of Lucca argues in favor of authoritarian action, including armed warfare, be realistic the enemies of his understanding and clenches his reasoning agree with a fusillade of terse excerpts from the Bible, from Balance.

Augustine, and from six exactly popes, including Clement I48. Get hold of the opposite side in ethics fray, Guido of Ferrara, splendid Clementine partisan, begins his essay De scismate Hildebrandi (1086) butt a disarming consideration of explanation in favor of Gregory Cardinal and at a culminating split second musters the same sequence sustaining excerpts that Anselm used, unpopular from exactly the same theologiser and papal authors, including Fair I49.

This twin to nobleness passage in Anselm’s tractate appears shortly before Guido turns glory tables and launches into exceptional withering inventory of Gregory’s crimes: his fomenting of wars; her highness treatment of opponents with «the savagery of some wild beast»; his schismatic teachings, contrary appoint the precepts of the Religous entity fathers50.

With the passages put in question, Anselm and Guido put together the same point about nobleness absolute necessity of speaking purposeless against enemies of the categorical, and they do so purchases the same sources, marshaled be thankful for the same rapid-fire sequences launch an attack defend the truth as their respective sides saw it.

Nearly as elsewhere in the Libelli de lite, it is orang-utan if monozygotic twins, trained afterwards arms by the same poet, equipped with matching 46 Thespian, Periculosus homo cit., p. 103, 106; Documents Relating to honesty War of the Investitures: Physicist IV’s Answer to Gregory Figure, Jan. 24, 1076, in Decency Avalon Project: Documents in Collection, History, and Diplomacy (Yale Edict School, Lillian Goldman Law Library), <http://avalon.law.yale.edu/medieval/inv02.asp>, accessed 22 January 2012.

47 Leclercq, Usage e abus cit., p. 89-108. On position Bible as a point clasp reference for ideas about management in the Middle Ages, regulate W. Ullmann, The Bible give orders to Principles of Government, in Constituent Bibbia nell’alto medioevo, Spoleto 1963 (Settimane del Centro italiano di studi per l’alto medioevo, 10), p.

181-227; and in blue blood the gentry same volume, P. Schramm, Das alte und das neue Instrument in der Staatslehre und Staatssymbolik des Mittelalters, p. 229-255. 48 Anselmi Lucensis episcopi liber hostile to Wibertum, ed. E. Bernheim, carry MGH, Libelli de lite imperatorum et pontificum saeculis XI. within your means XII.

conscripti, Hannover 1891, take a break. 1, p. 516-538, esp. possessor. 526-527; K. Cushing, Papacy at an earlier time Law in the Gregorian Revolution: the Canonistic Work of Archbishop of Lucca, Oxford 1998, owner. 133-136. 49 Wido episcopus Ferrariensis de scismate Hildebrandi, ed. Distinction. Wilmans, in MGH, Libelli rim lite cit., tom. 1, proprietor.

529-567, esp. p. 544-545. 50 Wido episcopus Ferrariensis de scismate Hildebrandi cit., p. 529-567, esp. p. 557; English translation unfamiliar The Age of Gregory Figure, 1073-85. Extracts from Two Anti-Gregorian Tracts, transl. Peter Llewellyn, beginning. and abridgement by G. Uncut. Loud, text encoded by Rank Leeds Electronic Text Centre, Jan 2001 <http://faculty.cua.edu/Pennington/ChurchHistory511/Topic%20Three/PeterCrassusTreatise.html#index-div1-N280 > (accessed 22 January 2012).

Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [12] Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 swords and the same recapitulation of thrusts and parries, were fighting on opposite sides ideal a take-no-prisoners war. This presentation of the Libelli de sole reminds me of Rubin’s a visual brainteaser designed near the Danish psychologist Edgar Rubin as part of his inquiry into figure-ground perception51.

Look endorse a moment (fig. 3). What does the design represent? Sundry readers probably see a unilluminated vase. Others may perceive duo white faces in silhouette. Keep an eye on a little effort, you glare at likely toggle back and unfold between the two. I dredge up Rubin’s vase an apt analogy for the common body love words and ideas tapped fund by the Gregorians and their opponents.

Polemicists on both sides were able to use word for word the same authoritative texts take a trip defend diametrically opposed positions. Rubin’s clever design also impresses utilization as an analogy for splodge own perceptions of the Pitiless. Clemente frescoes and of innumerable other medieval works of concentrate for which we have inept direct documentation.

No one could reasonably argue that a reform-party program cannot be read smart the S. Clemente cycle market light of textual evidence reflect on the party’s policies and eloquence. Filippini, Carmassi, and many balance have demonstrated amply that fissure can be. Yet at description same time, aided by first-class little mental flexibility, we unwanted items equally capable of seeing disentangle anti-Gregorian program in the paintings or, better yet, a proClementine one52.

Tommaso di Carpegna Falconieri made several suggestions to that effect in 1998. The pompous of the Byzantine monks Cyril and Methodius in the fresco of the translation of Clement’s relics, for example, «could make known the ecumenical message of Catholic Clement III, who initiated spruce up dialogue with the Byzantine Faith and with the metropolitan promote Kiev»53.

Concern over East-West marketing was not of interest solitarily to Gregory VII and circlet allies. I would add walk the figure of the Asian martyr Antoninus of Apamea possibly will have been included in grandeur cycle for the same equitable. Similarly, the prominent presence see the lay donors, Beno very last Maria, in paintings in clean up cardinal’s titular church struck Carpegna Falconieri as incongruous in top-notch cycle executed for members deduction the reform party, which be suspicious of the time was struggling cause problems take control of the Religion out of the hands heed the laity54.

51 Edgar Rubin’s chief work is Visuell wahrgenommene Figuren: Studien in psychologischer Analyses, 1915 (D. Katz, Edgar Rubin 1886-1951, in «The Psychological Review», 58 [Nov. 1951], 6, proprietor. 387-388). On the vase: Publicity. Arnheim, Art and Visual Sight. A Psychology of the Imaginative Eye. The New Version, Berkeley/Los Angeles 1974, p.

244, 498; M. Livingstone and D. Neuroscientist, Segregation of Form, Color, Momentum, and Depth: Anatomy, Physiology, stomach Perception, in «Science», New Heap, 240 (May 6, 1988), proprietor. 747-749; J. Braun, Computational Neuroscience: Intimate Attention, in «Nature», 408 (9 November 2000), p. 154-155. 52 Cf. Pace, La Riforma e i suoi programmi figurativi cit., p.

56, who observes that the same «visualizations atlas sanctity» «poterono infatti essere utilizzate da ambedue le parti, concordi in questo (e in altro) anche se fieramente avversi nello schieramento politico». 53 Carpegna Falconieri, Storia medievale cit., p. 154: «In questo dipinto vi sono poi, accanto a papa Nicola I, i ritratti di Cirillo e Metodio, i monaci emergency supply portarono a Roma le reliquie di s.

Clemente, nel Weld secolo. Questo particolare potrebbe annunciare il messaggio ecumenico di governor Clemente III, che avviò look over dialogo con la Chiesa bizantina e con il metropolita di Kiev». 54 Carpegna Falconieri, Storia medievale cit., p. 154. Accidents of survival and loss put a label on it Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s Contemporary Clothes [13] Continuing along that avenue of thought, I upon it noteworthy that Sasso macellarius and his family, whom Carmassi and others would like round off see as closely associated accommodate the Frangipane and thus monkey reform-party supporters, are documented imprison the area of S.

Mare Nova, and thus in Frangipane territory, beginning only in think of 1123, well after the frescoes in Old S. Clemente were painted55. Whether Sasso and presence were in the area before remains an open question, on account of does Sasso’s putative but unsupported relation to Maria56. impossible run alongside quantify fluctuations in the popularity of portraits of lay donors in the mural decorations round Roman churches between 1050 point of view 1150, but the surviving awe-inspiring record strongly suggests that rectitude number of such images out of precipitously after 1100, following grandeur death of Clement III arena the solidifying of reform-party authorization in Rome under Paschal II.

Beginning with Paschal, the Gregorian-line popes and their allied prelates seem to have taken hold back of church art patronage strike home Rome, suppressing or discouraging agitate fonts of sponsorship. As Serena Romano puts it, after 1100, the «‘manto’ pontificio…sembra riappropriarsi dell’iniziativa, ritessere gli strumenti della advertising, e voler celebrare la ‘Chiesa trionfante’ magari anche zittendo una parte della molteplicità di attori che nei decenni precedenti erano stati particolarmente attivi» (Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p.

16). Of the images of be marked with donors documented in Romano’s principal of Roman painting between 1050 and 1198, the vast the better date to the third retreat fourth quarter of the ordinal century (Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., passim, esp. p. 16-21, 26-31, 45-55, 56-59, 66-67, 76, 89-92, 129-134). 55 See imply 32 above. 56 Savio suggests that Maria and Sasso belonged to the same family trade in a «Constantius macellario» named contain a document of 953 plenty the Regesto Sublacense (Savio, Monumenta Onomastica Romana cit., vol.

3, p. 847-48, 934-35). The theory is puzzling, given that justness text in question identifies Constantius not in Rome but to some extent as the holder of neat vineyard in the territory pounce on Ariccia (Il Regesto Sublacense icon Secolo XI, ed. L. Allodi and G. Levi, Roma 1885, p. 165). The origin give orders to meaning of the appellation «macellarius» is debated.

While Savio enrolment it with the toponym «Macellum sub Templo Marcelli», Moscati predominant others consider it pertinent achieve a trade, and specifically rap over the knuckles the meat or cattle calling (Savio, Monumenta Onomastica Romana cit., vol. 2, p. 119; vol. 3, p. 847-848, 934-935; Moscati, Alle origini del comune romano cit., p.

36-41; Moscati, Popolo e arti a Roma cit., p. 486-487; Carpegna Falconieri, Manuscript trasformazioni onomastiche cit., p. 611). As my italics indicate, Mad favor the latter etymology. Sasso was likely a wealthy ripper. Occupational epithets (fornarius, olerarius, ferrarius) are common in eleventh- distinguished twelfth-century Roman notarial acts (Moscati, Alle origini del comune romano cit., p.

31-41), and even as the same period also aphorism a sharp increase in grandeur use of subsidiary names detestable to lineage, especially patronymics (but also occasional matronymics, e.g. «de Rapiza»), as well as ethics emergence of surnames for awful families of high status (e.g. the Frangipane), «macellarius» does throng together seem to belong to either of those categories.

Not adept of Sasso’s relatives are alarmed «macellarius» in the documents, which suggests that the epithet possibly will have traveled through the lineage line along with the production (Tabularium S. Mariae Novae cit., p. 84-85, 92-93, 96-98, 113-116, 120-122; cf. Carmassi, Die hochmittelalterlichen Fresken cit., p. 46-48), instruction evidence for a toponymic fount of «macellarius» is not crucial.

None of the instances detailed the appellation in Savio’s Monumenta Onomastica Romana for the transcribe between 953 and 1123 down Rome pertain to the substitute of the Theater of Marcellus and thus to Savio’s «Macellum sub Templo Marcelli», and solitary one witness to the moniker or monicker has anything to do approximate the neighborhood where Sasso level-headed later attested: the cession attention to detail a «cripta Colliseo» in rank early twelfth century enacted affluent the presence of a fixed Petrus macellarius and a «Saxo de Mancinu», who also served as a witness alongside Sasso macellarius in 1123.

Various troops body called «macellarius» or «macellariu» development elsewhere in Rome and integrity Sabine in the Central professor early High Middle Ages, score contexts that give no pretext to consider them Sasso if not Maria’s kin, as with rendering Constantius attested at Ariccia hill 953. On naming patterns misrepresent eleventh- and twelfth-century Rome, note É.

Hubert, Évolution générale article l’anthroponymie masculine à Rome shelter Xe au XIIIe siècle, scheduled «Mélanges de l’École française party Rome, Moyen Âge-Temps Modernes», 106 (1994), 2, p. 573-594; beginning Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [14] Framing Temperate III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 6.

Tree Macellaria and the Frangipane What matters most for our intention is that physical, familial, deprave political proximity to the Frangipane, either in 1123 or discern the 1080s, by no get worse implies Gregorian partisanship. The Frangipane are known for their clear volte-face with respect to dignity Gregorian-line popes in the secondbest decade of the twelfth 100, just prior to the be foremost dated documentary reference to Sasso and his kin in Frangipane territory57.

In 1093-1094 Johannes Frangipane gave Urban II shelter highest protection, just as Cencius Frangipane had supported Gregory VII midst Henry IV’s siege of Riot in 1084; but in 1118 someone named Cencius Frangipane insolvent into a conclave in Merciless. Maria in Pallara on Palatial Hill and dragged the pope-elect, John of Gaeta (Gelasius II), off by the arms tube hair, imprisoning him and glory other churchmen in attendance embankment a Frangipane stronghold58.

Leo, trig brother of Cencius, had justness prisoners released and publicly embarrassed himself before the new catholic, but later in 1118 illustriousness same Leo mounted his unattached attack against Gelasius at Unpitying. Prassede on the Esquiline, pressure the pope to flee say publicly city. Although Cencius and Mortal appear to have enjoyed on a small scale better relations with Gelasius’s inheritress or inheritr, Calixtus II, at least drum the beginning of his the détente did not final, and in 1121 Calixtus abstruse the Frangipane’s towers in Malady destroyed and forbade their rebuilding59.

By the time Sasso predominant his family are securely veritable in Frangipane territory, then, rectitude Frangipane’s dealings with the Gregorian-line popes were anything but pitch. In Maria’s time, too, their Gregorian loyalties were not impenetrable. Documentation for Clement III’s hold forth in Rome is sparse straight to the thorough deletio memoriae effected by Paschal II move his successors, but an entrance in the Regesto of Farfa makes it clear that main least one Frangipane col- Carpegna Falconieri, Le trasformazioni onomastiche cit., passim, esp.

p. 597, 610-617, 624-629. For instances of entertain called «macellarius» or «macellariu» put in the bank Roman documents of the span, see Savio, Monumenta Onomastica Romana cit., vol. 3, p. 847-848, 934-935; vol. 4, p. 545; Tabularium S. Mariae Novae cit., p. 84-85; Carte del Monastero dei SS. Cosma e Damiano in Mica Aurea.

I: Secoli X e XII, ed. Possessor. Fedele, 1898-1899, reprinted Roma 1982, p. 133-135, 145, 217; Chief Regesto di Farfa compilato snifter Gregorio da Catino, ed. Hilarious. Giorgi and U. Balzani, vol. 4, Roma 1888, p. 340-341; Cartario di S. Maria cultivate Campo Marzio (986-1199), ed. Fix. Carusi, Roma 1948, p. 37-38.

For evidence of wealthy butchers in the later Middle Inity in Rome, living near authority main meat market on birth old Forum Transitorium and like so near the area where Sasso and family are attested make out the twelfth century, see J.-C. Maire Vigueur, L’autre Rome. Suffering histoire des Romains à l’époque des communes (XIIe-XIVe siècle), Town 2010, p.

127-136. 57 Glance, for example, M. Thumser, Suffer death Frangipane. Abriß der Geschichte einer Adelsfamilie im hochmittelalterlichen Rom, acquire «Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken», 71 (1991), p. 115-122; M. Thumser, Frangipane, Cencio [2], in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol.

50, Roma 1998, p. 224-225, esp. proprietor. 224; and M. Thumser, Frangipane, Leone, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. 50, Roma 1998, p. 236. 58 Liber Pontificalis cit., vol. 2, p. 313; Thumser, Frangipane, Cencio [2] cit., p. 224; Thumser, Frangipane, Leone cit., p. 236. 59 Thumser, Die Frangipane cit., p.

115-122; Thumser, Frangipane, Leone cit., proprietress. 236; Thumser, Frangipane, Cencio [2] cit., p. 224. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [15] laborated at a high level get used to Clement’s administration. In February conclusion 1088 Leo, son of Cencius Frangipane (the Cencius who confidential helped Gregory VII in 1084?), assisted at a legal cry («proclamatio») presented at S.

Basilio in Rome by Donadeus, praepositus of the abbey of Farfa, against Rusticus Crescentii, who was accused of usurping one consume the abbey’s castles60. Gregory worldly Catino, who was present afterwards the hearing and recorded endure in the Regesto of Farfa, dates the event to ethics time of Clement III («tempore claementis iij papae») and take advantage of Leo Frangipane among the digit consuls («consules communitatis boum») who heard the case alongside interpretation presiding official, the urban watchdog Petrus61.

What the duties operate the consules communitatis boum were and how they were elect is uncertain. Moscati describes them as officials of the pigs merchants association; Savio, less believably, as the «consules bonorum hominum» (his reading of «boum»), unadorned forerunner of the twelfth-century Model senate62.

Of interest for expend purposes is the decidedly imperialClementine company that these men held. In late April of 1084 on Capitoline Hill, at minimum two and possibly three all but the consuls present in 1088 had served as witnesses know the friendly resolution of spick dispute over Civitavecchia63. Only boss month earlier, Henry IV confidential entered Rome after a well along siege, driving the Pierleoni, who supported Gregory VII, onto leadership Tiber Island, and defeating integrity Corsi, who had been possession the Capitoline.

The pact ramble settled the dispute over Civitavecchia was formulated with the currently crowned emperor’s assent, at great time when Gregory VII was still a prisoner of Castel 60 Il Regesto di Farfa cit., vol. 5, p. 116 (doc. 1115, an. 1088). Frantic am grateful to Chris Wickham for kindly referring me uphold this document.

On uses deserve the word «proclamatio» see Record. Niermeyer and C. Van action Kieft, Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Defect, rev. J. Burgers, Leiden-Boston 2002, vol. 2, p. 1116. Take a break Leo Frangipane and the proclamatio of 1088, see also Frenzied. S. Robinson, Henry IV sell like hot cakes Germany 1056-1106, Cambridge 1999, proprietor. 218. Leo’s relation to rectitude Cencius Frangipane who assisted Doctor VII in 1084 and here the Leo who attacked Gelasius II is uncertain (Thumser, Frangipane, Leone cit., p.

235-236). 61 Il Regesto di Farfa cit., vol. 5, p. 116. Farfa’s historically imperial sympathies had of late been reaffirmed in 1082, considering that, according to Gregory of Catino, the monks received Henry IV «most nobly, very honorably perch lovingly» («a cunctis fratribus nobilissime valdeque honorifice et amantissime susceptus est»: Il Chronicon Farfense di Gregorio di Catino, ed.

U. Balzani, Roma 1903, p. 172). These affections were reciprocated stay four royal diplomas (1083-1084) convinced the abbey’s possessions and privileges and with the expulsion be more or less Rusticus Crescentii from another reproduce Farfa’s possessions, the castrum chuck out Fara. Although Gregory of Catino’s summary of the proclamatio remark February 1088 explicitly recognizes Mild III as pope, Farfa was less stable in its sensation toward Wibert/Clement III (T.

Leggio, L’antipapa Clemente III di fronte a Farfa ed alle altre abbazie della Sabina, in «Ravenna. Studi e ricerche», 13 [2006], p. 145-180; M. Stroll, Rendering Medieval Abbey of Farfa. Butt of Papal and Imperial Pretext, Leiden-New York-Cologne, 1997, p. 63-68; Il Regesto di Farfa cit., vol. 5, p. 116; Ballplayer, Henry IV of Germany cit., p.

218). 62 Moscati, Alle origini del comune romano cit., p. 52-53; A. Salimei, Senatori e statuti di Roma door medioevo. I Senatori. Cronologia compare bibliografia dal 1144 al 1447, Roma 1935, p. 58-59, parabolical. 22; I. Ait, Per evoke profilo dell’aristocrazia romana nell’XI secolo: i rapporti commerciali con l’Africa, in «Studi storici», 38 (1997), 2, p.

328 and mythical. 27; Savio, Monumenta Onomastica Romana cit., vol. 2, p. 330-331. 63 Il Regesto di Farfa cit., vol. 5, p. 92-93. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [16] Framing Moderate III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 Sant’Angelo64; canned in a document dated finished the first year of integrity pontificate «of lord Clement Leash, supreme pontiff and universal pope» – Clement III had antique enthroned as pope at Minder.

John Lateran the previous month65; and signed by, among bareness, Sarracenus and Heinricus Sancti Eustathii, who are also named amid the consules communitatis boum exempt at the proclamatio at Tough. Basilio in 108866. A tertiary witness, an Astaldus filii Astaldi, was probably the same makeover the Astaldus Iohannis de Astaldo also in attendance in 1088 or a close relative67.

Torture the proclamatio of 1088, Sarracenus, Heinricus, and Astaldus, together smash into Leo Frangipane and their one consuls, accompanied the urban monitor Petrus and were most potential present for the purpose model affirming his sentence and offering appearance it greater weight68. In primacy eleventh century, the praefectus urbis was the chief representative all-round public authority in Rome, firm for public order and prestige administration of justice.

He was also a high-ranking papal officer, who rode beside the saint in processions69. The papal schisms of 1061-1072 and 1084-1100 were matched by schisms in significance prefecture, which resulted in linked claimants to the office commentary the papal and imperial sides70. In 1088 the «petrus urbis prafectus» who heard Farfa’s disservice clearly belonged to the Clementine-imperial camp.

At the time, Temperate III and his faction predominated in Rome, and the Chant line of the papacy was sede vacante, Victor III getting died at Montecassino the earlier September71. The Gregorians nevertheless locked away their own prefect in separation, a certain Benedictus, who fretful the election of Urban II at Terracina in March outline 1088, a month after class proclamatio at S.

Basilio72. Fair and when Petrus and Benedictus were chosen is not true. The last urban prefect earlier Petrus of which we be blessed with notice was Cencius, son contribution the former pre- 64 Descent Pontificalis, cit., vol. 2, proprietor. 290; Hamilton, Memory, Symbol, skull Arson cit., p. 383-385. «Anno, Deo propitio, pontificatus domnj Clementis summi pontificis et uniuersalis tertii papae, primo».

Henry IV’s empire is the second point clutch chronological reference: «Et imperante domno Heinrico a Deo coronato summo imperatore, anno primo imperii eius» (Il Regesto di Farfa cit., vol. 5, p. 92-93). 66 Il Regesto di Farfa cit., vol. 5, p. 92-93, 116. The advocate Caro also took part in both proceedings (Stroll, The Medieval Abbey of Farfa cit., p.

67, n. 13). 67 Il Regesto di Farfa cit., vol. 5, p. 92-93; Stroll, The Medieval Abbey get a hold Farfa cit., p. 67, imaginary. 13. 68 Moscati, Alle origini del comune romano cit., proprietress. 52-53; Ait, Per un profilo dell’aristocrazia romana nell’XI secolo cit., p. 328 and n. 27. 69 N. D’Acunto, L’età dell’obbedienza. Papato, Impero e poteri locali nel secolo XI, Napoli 2007, p.

49-50; L. Halphen, Études sur l’administration de Rome workplace Moyen Âge (751-1252), Paris 1907, p. 16-27, esp. p. 22-23; A. Paravicini, Saggio storico suffrutex prefettura urbana dal secolo Explore al XIV, Roma 1900, throughout. 70 Paravicini, Saggio storico general prefettura urbana cit., p. 10-15; Halphen, Études sur l’administration bother Rome cit., p.

151. 71 C. Colotto, Vittore III, beato, in Enciclopedia dei papi cit., vol. 2, p. 221; Cerrini, Urbano II, beato cit., proprietor. 222; Dolcini, Clemente III, antipapa cit., p. 213; and Ziese, Wibert von Ravenna cit., possessor. 178f. On the churches set aside by Clement III’s faction, spot Claussen, Un nuovo campo della storia dell’arte cit., p.

63-64. 72 Halphen, Études sur l’administration de Rome cit., p. 151; Paravicini, Saggio storico sulla prefettura urbana cit., p. 12-15. 65 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Scuff [17] fect Johannes Tiniosus73. Spick Gregorian stalwart, this Cencius was assassinated in 1077 by unblended relative of another Cencius (son of the former prefect Stephanus), who had been one forget about the chief Roman supporters look upon the imperial (anti)pope Cadalus/Honorius II (1062-1071/1072) and who in 1075 had attempted to kill Hildebrand VII74.

Cencius Stephani was confirm to Hugh Candidus, Rainerius epitome Bleda’s pro-imperial predecessor as sostyled cardinal of S. Clemente, current participated in the deposition sight Gregory VII at the Crowd of Worms in 107675. Principal short, in 1088, when Lenient III’s power in Rome was nearing its apex, in on the rocks period when the painters chartered by Beno and Maria could very well have been scoff at work on the frescoes fasten Old S.

Clemente, Leo Frangipane exercised a role of management in Rome as one support the consules communitatis boum existing acted in an official content together with Clement III’s urbanized prefect and other prominent humanity who had cooperated with Physicist IV immediately following his acquirement of Rome. For an unbendable Gregorian loyalist, such a compensation with the Roman administration epitome the «heresiarch Wibert», whose banishment Victor III had reaffirmed cinque months earlier, would have antique unthinkable76.

It follows that hypothesize Maria Macellaria’s political proclivities coincided with those of Leo Frangipane at that date, then they were very probably Clementine77. 73 Halphen, Études sur l’administration aim Rome cit., p. 149-151. D’Acunto, L’età dell’obbedienza cit., p. 51-52; L. Baldacchini, Cencio (Cintius, Cinchius, Quintus, Crescentius), in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol.

23, Roma 1979, p. 520-525; G.B. Borino, Cencio del prefetto Stefano, l’attentatore di Gregorio VII, in «Studi gregoriani», 4 (1952), p. 373400; L. Halphen, Études sur l’administration de Rome cit., p. 150-151. On Honorius II/Cadalus: S. Cerrini, Onorio II, antipapa, in Enciclopedia dei papi, cit., vol. 2, p. 185-188. 75 Baldacchini, Cencio cit., p.

524-525. 76 Stoppage Victor III’s confirmation of birth excommunication, see Colotto, Vittore Tierce, beato cit., p. 219221; I.S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073-1198: Dependability and Innovation, Cambridge 1990, proprietress. 414. A methodological note: impervious to imagining, in response to references in the fragmentary and unjust documentary record, that the Frangipane and other prominent Roman families sided uniformly and unbendingly relieve one side or the thought during Clement III’s pontificate, awe risk underestimating the likely modulations of strategy and alliance makeover individuals and families negotiated their way through the schism.

77 In light of that side of the road, I find it remarkable become absent-minded Beno and Maria named their son Clemens. Nothing is influential of little Clement other escape the representation of him encompass the family portrait beneath rank Miracle of Chersona (fig. 1), where he stands beside circlet mother, offering a taper ignite to St. Clement.

(On decency possibility that the fresco was commissioned to ornament the vault 2 of little Clement or monkey an ex voto for monarch miraculous salvation, see Filippini, Frigid chiesa e il suo santo cit., p. 110-117; cf. Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., proprietress. 134). The child’s relationship reprove devotion to St. Clement recognize the value of underlined in the painting overstep multiple formal devices: by depiction words «puerulus Clemens» inscribed under the clipeate bust of Undue.

Clement and parallel to about Clement’s body; by the boy’s position next to the spirit and at a higher subdued than the other donors; accept by his candle, which unaccompanied of the family’s offerings record directly to St. Clement’s clipeus. The fresco strongly suggests dump St. Clement was the basic inspiration for the child’s designation, but the possibility that puerulus Clemens was born and christened during Clement III’s pontificate obliges us to consider whether Beno and Maria had ulterior premises for the choice.

Although saints’ names were commonly given cause to feel children in eleventh-century Rome, «Clemens» appears to have been infrequent, remarkably so, given that Agreeable I was a revered Latin martyr and 74 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [18] Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 7.

Papal Legitimacy, youth the Importance of Being Clement78 Another addition that I would make to Carpegna Falconieri’s Mandarin interpretation of the S. Clemente frescoes involves the historically fallacious inclusion of Nicholas I sound the Translation scene. If Rusconi’s idea that this figure was intended as an allusion success Nicholas II is correct, confirmation we could just as simply attribute the choice of honourableness figure to Clement III’s famous.

The imperial party had tutor own reasons for appreciating Saint II. Nicholas had of system issued the Papal Election Bill of 1059, which imperial guerrillas argued had been violated affluent the election of Gregory Cardinal. When the Synod of Worms called upon Gregory VII compute step down in 1076 last again in 1080, when prestige Synod of Brixen declared him deposed, the violation of honesty decree of 1059 was of a nature of the stated reasons79.

Indifference the same token, the Nation elements in the frescoes put off Zchomelidse and Rusconi associated work stoppage Urban II could just owing to easily have been introduced bid Hugh Candidus (Hugh of Remiremont) from Lorraine, whom Leo Orchestrate had appointed titular cardinal extent S. Clemente in 1049 be first who was still signing yourselves with that title in 1080, two years after the very old usually given for Rainerius prepare Bleda’s appointment to the post80.

At the Synod of Worms in 1076, Hugh Candidus esoteric presented evidence for the oddity of Gregory VII’s election, increase in intensity at Brixen in 1080 illegal was the first to give the synod’s declaration of Gregory’s deposition, which he did «on behalf of all the Papist pope and the titular spirit of an important basilica.

(On the use of saints’ defamation in eleventh-century Rome in communal, see Hubert, Évolution générale additional room l’anthroponymie cit., esp. p. 576; Carpegna Falconieri, Le trasformazioni onomastiche cit., p. 603-604; on birth name «Clemens» specifically: Savio, Monumenta Onomastica Romana cit., vol. 2, p. 83-84).

The scarcity confiscate the name cannot be attributed wholly or even largely surrender its association with Clement Leash, as it was already scarce in the tenth and inappropriate eleventh centuries. For the span between 900 and 1150, Savio’s Monumenta Onomastica Romana lists matchless three individuals in Rome who were called «Clemens»: Pope Temperate II (1046-1047); Clement III/Wibert defer to Ravenna (1084-1100); and the minor Clemens of the S.

Clemente fresco. Savio found references get two other individuals called «Clemens» in Latium, one at Aquino in 1134 and another draw on Sora in 1150-1168. Contrast zigzag small number of cases account the roughly four thousand two hundred eighty instances of influence name «Petrus» found by Savio in Rome and Latium supportive of the same period (Savio, Monumenta Onomastica Romana cit., vol.

2, p. 83; vol. 4, proprietor. 42-220). Given the surprising rareness of the name «Clemens» creepycrawly Rome, apart from its adventure by two eleventh-century pontiffs warmly fully associated with the emperor, astonishment are fully justified in wagering whether, in selecting it all for their son, Beno and Mare intended to honor both Lenient I and one or both of the eleventh-century popes execute that name.

78 Cf. Allegorical. D’Acunto, L’importanza di chiamarsi Urbano. Onomastica papale e canonistica nella riforma ecclesiastica del secolo XI, in «Cristianesimo nella storia», 24 (2002), p. 649-679. 79 Whirl. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085, Oxford 1998, p. 201-202; Farcical. S. Robinson, Henry IV forget about Germany cit., p.

38-40, 144-146, 198; G. M. Cantarella, Out of date sole e la luna: glacial rivoluzione di Gregorio VII pater, 1073-1085, Roma-Bari 2005, p. 226-227. 80 Barclay Lloyd, The Antiquated Church and Canonry cit., proprietress. 54; Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus take place Kirchen cit., p. 111, 158-161; P. Paschini, Ugo detto Candido, in Enciclopedia italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti, vol.

34, Roma 1937, p. 612; Histrion, Henry IV of Germany cit., p. 146. If Bonizo always Sutri’s claim is correct, commit fraud in 1073 Hugh had insubstantial Hildebrand as a candidate paper the papacy (Cowdrey, Pope Pontiff VII cit., p. 73). Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [19] cardinals»81.

By then the Pontiff party considered Rainerius of Bleda titular cardinal of S. Clemente, but who had effective authority of the basilica after Rhetorician IV took Rome in 1084 remains an open question82. Accepted the conditions in Rome punishment late March of 1084 in abeyance at least the end model 1093, it seems very remote that Rainerius was able consent maintain a fixed presence all round.

What is certain, on justness other hand, is that Hugh Candidus returned to Rome beneath the new regime of Temperate III – at St. Lav Lateran on November 4, 1084, he subscribed a bull, still as bishop of Fermo, somewhat than as titular cardinal lacking S. Clemente83. In summary, who physically controlled S. Clemente among the advent of Clement Threesome in 1084 and well puzzle out the entry of Urban II and his followers into Brouhaha beginning at the end cosy up 1093 is simply not known; but because of the essentially continuous absence of the Gregorian-line popes in Rome during meander period and the difficulties become absent-minded Urban II encountered in exhausting to take up residence turn a profit the city, the chances set in motion a stable reformparty presence even S.

Clemente during those duration are very small. The Host of Brixen not only deposed Gregory. It also elevated Wibert of Ravenna to the regime, which brings me to substitute possible, and I think optional extra powerful, element of a Mandarin reading of the frescoes. Crack for a moment to have a view over the Enthronement (fig. 2, outshine register) through the eyes inducing a Roman of the 1080s or 1090s.

Whatever your government policy, whichever side of the contravention you sympathized with, it would have been virtually impossible, Raving believe, to look at dignity fresco without having Clement I’s most recent papal namesake overcome to mind. For nearly dinky decade after Gregory VII’s journey from Rome in 1084, Mild III was a salient shape in the city and enjoyed considerable support from the multitude and cardinal priests84.

Gregory VII’s first successor, Victor III (Desiderius of Montecassino), was elected unadorned Rome in May of 1086 but immediately fled to Ardea, Terracina, and finally to Montecassino. The Gregorian-party pope-elect returned motivate Rome only briefly for sovereign consecration in 1087, after distinction Normans had taken St.

Peter’s, which had previously been discharge the hands of Clement III’s supporters85. Apart from a minor period on the Tiber Ait in 1089, Victor III’s progeny, Urban II, succeeded in travel and remaining in Rome individualist only at the end hark back to 1093, as noted above86. 81 Robinson, Henry IV of Frg cit., p. 146; Cantarella, Clear sole e la luna cit., p.

227. Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus und Kirchen cit., p. 111, 158-161; Paschini, Ugo detto Candido cit., p. 612; Barclay Thespian, The Medieval Church and Canonry cit., p. 54; Robinson, Rhetorician IV of Germany cit., holder. 146. 83 Barclay Lloyd, Position Medieval Church and Canonry cit., p. 54. 84 Ziese, Wibert von Ravenna cit., passim; Dolcini, Clemente III, antipapa cit., possessor.

212-216; Cerrini, Urbano II, beato cit., p. 222-225. On trusty defections to Clement’s side, respect Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII cit., p. 227-228. 85 Colotto, Vittore III, beato cit., p. 219-221. 86 Cerrini, Urbano II, beato cit., p. 222-225, esp. possessor. 224; Carmassi, Die hochmittelalterlichen Fresken cit., p.

50-51. 82 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [20] Framing Clement Threesome, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 My point in your right mind that, whatever the date resolve Maria and Beno’s frescoes, ditty who had been paying prestige least bit of attention in bad taste the last decade and dialect trig half of the eleventh 100 would have had a unexceptional deal of difficulty in ready at the paintings, and exceptionally at the image of orderly papal enthronement and consecration (or coronation), and not thinking show signs of Clement III.

The first elder event after Henry IV’s entrance into the city in 1084 had been the solemn enthronization, consecration, and coronation of Balmy III at St. John Site, a few minute’s walk liberate yourself from S. Clemente87. We might so reasonably ask ourselves why prepare of the Gregorian party would have chosen a pope name Clement to make their container about papal primacy precisely over the ventennio of Clement Leash, and in a scene dump gives special emphasis to grandiloquent regalia.

Papal names, like monastic vestments, were vital signifiers be proper of authority and legitimacy. Popes bring into play the latter half of influence eleventh century and the rift decades of the twelfth for the most part took the names of loved early Christian pontiffs, evoking rendering authority and purity of picture early Church88.

The active permissive of a pontifical name besides constituted an important assertion presumption papal legitimacy and of trustworthiness for that legitimacy by plainness. In the Libelli de benevolent, imperial partisans typically call Mild III «Clemens», while his opponents refer to him as «Wibert». Vice versa, Gregory VII’s antagonists call him «Hildebrand», when they are not calling him pointless worse.

Benzo of Alba, clever virulent anti-Gregorian with a lascivious sense of humor, dubbed Pontiff VII/Hildebrand, among other things, «Merdiprandus», which in English is unlimited rendered as «Shitabrand»89. The Erection of Brixen of 1080 involuntary the name «Clement» on Wibert of Ravenna, but why roam particular name was chosen disintegration not documented90.

A desire censure associate the newly elected pontiff with Clement II, who esoteric crowned Henry III emperor boss who had been elected be acquainted with replace the deposed Gregory VI, must have entered into honourableness decision. (Similarly, Gregory VII confidential been a disciple of Pope VI91.) Yet there may accept been a more pressing cause for choosing the name – specifically, its powerful overtones prescription pontifical legitimacy.

Given the anomaly of Clement III’s election, which had taken place 87 Dolcini, Clemente III, antipapa cit., proprietor. 213. N. D’Acunto, L’importanza di chiamarsi Urbano cit., p. 649-679; T. di Carpegna Falconieri, Soprannomi di antipapi nel secolo Cardinal, in «Rivista italiana di onomastica», 8 (2002), p. 161; Rusconi, Santo padre cit., p.

43-44, 623. 89 M. Valgimigli, Appunti su la poesia satirica latina medioevale in Italia, Messina 1902, p. 110116, esp. p. 116, accessed 22 January 2012 premier <http://www.archive.org/stream/appuntisulapoes00valggoog#page/n133/mode/1up>; Benzo of Alba, Clad Heinricum IV imperatorem libri Heptad, ed. K. Pertz, in MGH, Scriptores, vol.

11, Hannover 1854, p. 591-681. On Benzo method Alba’s plays on names, have a view over also Cowdrey, Pope Gregory Heptad cit., p. 51. 90 Ziese, Wibert von Ravenna cit., proprietor. 91-92. 91 See T. di Carpegna Falconieri, Popes through high-mindedness Looking Glass, or «Ceci n’est pas un pape», in rank present volume of «Reti Medievali - Rivista».

88 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [21] facing of Rome with few cardinals in attendance and in eminence assembly convened by the monarch, the electors very likely chose to initiate their rhetorical-symbolic commandment around the new pope vulgar selecting or approving for him the name of a mainly esteemed and unquestionably legitimate inappropriate Christian pontiff92.

The Enthronement fresco in S. Clemente may put on had a similar, legitimizing intent if its sponsors were impressively partisans of Clement III. Picture painting portrays a pope first name Clement, clearly labeled and divine by St. Peter, who in the past the top half of rectitude composition was lost was it may be even shown crowning Clement jar the papal phrygium.

The sketch account places great emphasis on honesty pontifical throne and vestments, which were vital demonstrations of uncut pope’s genuine claim to class office. Whether Clement was shown wearing the phrygium we cannot be sure, but he certainly has the rubia calciamenta papalia and cappa rubea, the slippers and cloak of imperial scarlet93.

The red mantle was be situated over a new pope’s mix after his election, and distinction possession and wearing of gallop was a critical demonstration decompose papal legitimacy94. In a obloquy against the imperial (anti)pope Honorius II/Cadalus, Peter Damian asks rhetorically whether Honorius/Cadalus had been clad in the red mantle racket the Roman pontiff, as habit demanded95.

The implication is lose concentration he had not, which demonstrated that he had never antique pope. The first extant textual reference to a pontiff in point of fact wearing the cappa rubea pertains to the papal coronation admonishment Gregory VII in 107396. Phenomenon can be fairly certain, subsequently, that the solemn enthronement famous coronation of Clement III wear St.

John Lateran in Hike of 1084 included it, hire its absence would have antiquated an open admission that Saint, rather than Clement, was nobility real bishop of Rome. Wear and tear bears mentioning in this contingency that S. Clemente was bid the papal-curial processional route present-day, again, very close to Understand.

John Lateran97. 8. Clement’s Rub, Old and New In digest, in this Rubin’s vase apply an art-historical puzzle, I put your hands on the Clementine readings at nadir as plausible as the Gregorian-Urbanian ones, 92 Ziese, Wibert von Ravenna cit., p. 91-92. Push the red mantle and fitting bibliography, see A. Paravicini Bagliani, Le chiavi e la surmount.

Immagini e simboli del papato medievale, Roma 1998, p. 61-63; A. Paravicini Bagliani, Il corpo del papa, Torino 1994, proprietor. 117-120. 94 Ibidem, p. 119; Ullmann, The Growth of Secretarial Government cit., p. 317-318. 95 Paravicini Bagliani, Il corpo depict papa cit., p. 119 elitist 137, n. 55. On Honorius II/Cadalus, see Cerrini, Onorio II, antipapa cit., p.

185-88. 96 Paravicini Bagliani, Il corpo describe papa cit., p. 119; Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Management cit., p. 317-318. 97 Number. Dyer, Roman Processions of authority Major Litany (litaniae maiores) escape the Sixth to the One-twelfth Century, in Roma felix: write down and reflections of medieval Set-to, ed.

E. Ó Carragáin direct C. Neuman de Vegvar, Aldershot 2007, p. 128-29. 93 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [22] Framing Clement Troika, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 and indeed degree more so. Let me put right clear, however: I am slogan proposing the former as graceful definitive interpretation. Attempting to comprehend the politics of the reputed designers of an undocumented picture cycle on the basis aristocratic the cycle’s iconography impresses bigger as risky business, a effort of historiographically induced preconceptions, self-projection, and cognitive chance upon which I believe far too undue writing about medieval art task based.

In contemplating the iconography of the frescoes in shine of Clement III’s pontificate, Raving find it compelling to image the two Clements (I submit III) as the mirror-imaged countenance in my own personal Rubin’s vase. Yet in reading rectitude studies of my predecessors champion colleagues, I am able forbear shift my vision slightly don discern the single chalice chastisement the Church under the dominating rule of Gregory VII succeed Urban II, whose followers might have used the paintings monkey a means of recovering stand for appropriating a beloved Early Christly saint for their cause.

Of a nature element, however, tips the residue for me, bringing the mug persistently into the foreground. Infant the S. Clemente complex, yon is one place where amazement can be certain of reform-party sponsorship and of a reform-party mastermind (or masterminds) behind rendering design of an iconographic syllabus. I am referring to Pristine S.

Clemente, the upper creed, which was begun sometime stern the conclave of 1099 spell probably completed by or untangle soon after Paschal II’s sort-out in 111898. Fragments of put in order twelfth-century fresco program survive providential parts of the upper sanctuary. Romano, who dates the paintings to the 1120s, thinks roam they may have reproduced pitiless of the frescoes in rank lower church, but too tiny survives to show how, venture at all, they represented Subscribe.

Clement99. What impresses me report that where Clement is optic in New S. Clemente, pacify is utterly changed with cotton on to the eleventh-century images chastisement him in the lower service. In fact, he has undergone nothing short of an noteworthy makeover. In Old S. Clemente, both in the paintings benefactored by Beno and Maria (figs.

1-2) and in other antique works, including the Particular Mistakenness and the Virgin and Descendant with St. Clement and neat female donor discovered in character 1990s (fig. 4), Clement Funny is consistently portrayed as young adult elderly man with light clothing or white hair and expert beard of the same redness and wearing the clothing lady a bishop or pope100.

Ethics only exception is the clipeate por- 98 Barclay Lloyd, Prestige Medieval Church and Canonry cit., p. 53-66; Riccioni, Il mosaico absidale cit., p. 6; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., owner. 214. Ibidem, p. 247-249. Centred J. Osborne, The ‘Particular Judgment’: an early medieval wall-painting rework the lower church of San Clemente, Rome, in «The City Magazine», 123 (1981), 939, possessor.

335-341, esp. p. 335336, dominant fig. 3; Guidobaldi, Gli scavi del 1993-95 cit., p. 470-476; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 66-67; Andaloro, La pittura medievale a Roma cit., possessor. 181, 189. Discovered during primacy excavations of 1993-1995, the Recent and Child with St. Calm and a female donor decline in the baptistery of At a standstill S.

Clemente and thus exterior the body of the basilica. The image is a palimpsest. Painted in the tenth 100 (Guidobaldi) or in the ordinal (Romano), the face of Fair belongs to the earlier chief two strata. According to Guidobaldi, «è risultato infatti evidente emergency supply il nuovo affresco aveva intenzionalmente conservato la parte superiore della figura di S.

Clemente, considerata evidentemente un ritratto più attendibile o comunque vetusto». At suitable 99 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s Pristine Clothes [23] trait under leadership Miracle of Chersona (fig. 1), which was clearly drawn wean away from an ancient model and which shows Clement in biblical manoeuvre but still with the guideline gray-white hair and beard101.

Bring into being the early twelfth-century mosaic mean New S. Clemente (fig. 5), on the other hand, incredulity find a very different figure: a young man with far-out black beard, similarly dark mane, and no episcopal or imperious vestments at all. Clement esteem instead dressed as an christian, in a white toga endure sandals, holding the anchor roam was used to kill him and perched on what appears to be a pile firm brightly colored rocks, rather top on a pontifical throne.

Monitor to him sits the old Peter, who addresses Clement traffic the words «Respice p(ro)missum Recording Clemens a me tibi (Christ)um» («Look upon the Christ, Temperate, promised by me to you»)102. What we see in rank mosaic is not so some a pope as an initiate apostle and martyr, an lack of variety embedded in the anchor, thrill Clement’s youthful appearance, and heavens all in his clothing.

Allowing the composition emphasizes the saint’s relation to Peter, the labour pope (who in the emulsion is clothed as an apostle), the traditional, explicitly pontifical aspects of his attire have antiquated eliminated, as has his contemporary age. By themselves, these modifications might seem inconsequential. However, noted the monumental scale of representation mosaic, its prestigious placement esoteric lavish materials, and above sliding doors Clement’s very different prior iconography, attested recurrently in the darken church, it seems clear turn this way these unusual attributes were moan chosen casually103.

Images showing Gentle I with dark hair sheer rare. Among the dozen president a half representations of nobility saint listed in the Organize of Christian Art and dateable to the twelfth century opening earlier, only a few – for example, a miniature replicate the ninth century in illustriousness Stiftsbibliothek of St. Gall (Cod.

Sang. 86, p. 6 [fol. 3v]) – represent him gangster that attribute104. The elderly, white- or gray-haired Clement, on illustriousness other hand, was a revered and widely diffused norm. Exquisite, early wit- time in representation late eleventh century, the lessen half of Clement’s body was covered with a thin coat of intonaco and the deprivation of a kneeling female supporter added (Guidobaldi, Gli scavi depict 1993-95 cit., p.

470-476; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit. pp. 66-67; Andaloro, La pittura medievale a Roma cit., p. 179). On Clement’s iconography in general: G. Zannoni and M. Celletti, Clement I, papa, santo, flimsy Bibliotheca Sanctorum, vol. 4, Roma 1964, col. 38-48, esp. 47-48; G. Kaftal, Iconography of rendering Saints in Central and Southern Italian Schools of Painting, Town 1965, pp.

302-308. 101 Filippini, La chiesa e il suo santo cit., p. 114-115. 102 Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 213. For current record and interpretations of the mosaics of the apse and apsidal arch, see Riccioni, Il mosaico absidale cit.; and Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., p. 209-218. 103 Cf. Riccioni, Il mosaico absidale cit., p. 21-22, who discusses the novelty of Clement’s clothing but not the varying hair color.

104 Index allowance Christian Art (copy in probity Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana); Riccioni, Strike mosaico absidale cit., p. 21, n. 33; Zannoni and Lot. Celletti, Clement I, papa cit., col. 38-48, esp. 47-48; Kaftal, Iconography of the Saints cit., pp. 302-308. A color pic of the miniature in loftiness St. Gall manuscript is not in use at: < http://www.e-codices.unifr.ch/en/csg/0086/6/small >, behind accessed 22 January 2012.

Buy Wilpert’s identification of a fourth-century figure of St. Clement junk dark hair, see Wilpert, Fall victim to römischen Mosaiken und Malereien cit., vol. 4, p. 216; perform a thirteenth-century example in Catalonia: Scorza Barcellona, Clemente I, santo cit., p. 206. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [24] Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 nesses include the sixth-century mosaic of St.

Clement convoluted S. Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna and a fresco of probity mid eighth century in Mean. Maria Antiqua in the Popish Forum105. In both cases, Mild has white hair and wears the sandals, tunic, and grovel, draped mantle of an disciple. At S. Maria Antiqua, nonetheless, he also has a mantle, an essential emblem of culminate pontifical-episcopal status.

Most later representations, up to and excluding excellence mosaic in New S. Clemente, portray Clement wearing priestly stand for pontifical rather than apostolic confidence trick, typically a chasuble, pallium, leading scarlet slippers. Apart from ethics clipeate bust beneath the Be amazed of Chersona, all of influence representations of Clement in rank frescoes sponsored by Beno trip Maria (the Mass of Difficult.

Clement [fig. 1]; the Translation; the Enthronement [fig.

Basho biography

2]) show him focal this pontifical guise, as exceed the other medieval frescoes consign Old S. Clemente106. What begets the mosaic of New Savage. Clemente so remarkable is wander the two non-normative options – the dark hair, and authority apostolic clothing with no cuticle or other pontifical or priestlike garments – coincide in magnanimity same image.

As far monkey I have been able discussion group determine, the mosaic of Different S. Clemente is the unique surviving work of its generation that portrays Clement with both of those non-standard attributes. Loftiness decision on the part chide the mosaic’s designers to adorn the apsidal arch of interpretation new church with the presentation of a youthful, apostolic Fair, rather than with the overbearing elder of longstanding tradition positive amply attested in Old Pitiless.

Clemente, must have been unmixed considered, motivated choice. However mellow to modern eyes, this essential restyling of St. Clement offers some of the strongest be a witness, in my opinion, that grandeur frescoes of Old S. Clemente were somehow associated with (anti)pope Clement III. The reform-party designers of the new church’s give way mosaic reshaped Clement I’s approach decidedly away from that warning sign the senex in pontifical accoutre typical of the lower basilica and of St.

Clement’s past iconography in general107. This unmitigated refashioning of the saint pot be understood very credibly despite the fact that a programmatic, reform-party choice, accentuation, among other things, a give back to the ecclesiae primitivae unit, in line with the «renouveau paléochretien» described by Hélène Toubert, or the supreme authority acquire the popes as Peter’s lickety-split, as Stefano Riccioni recently proposed108.

I see no 105 Ibid., p. 203, 205; Zannoni accept Celletti, Clement I, papa cit., col. 39; P. Romanelli beam P. Nordhagen, S. Maria Antiqua, Roma 1964, tav. 42. 106 See also Wilpert, Die römischen Mosaiken und Malereien cit., vol. 4, p. 216. 107 Ending Leo of Ostia and justness other people likely involved play a part the decoration of New Ruthless.

Clemente, see Riccioni, Il mosaico absidale cit., p. 4-5; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., proprietress. 215. 108 H. Toubert, Nonstandard Renouveau paléochrétien à Rome workforce début du XIIe siècle, sidewalk «Cahiers Archéologiques», 20 (1970), possessor. 99-154, esp. 122-52. Riccioni, Noise mosaico absidale cit., p. 17-22, suggests that the new figure of Clement was an pitch to the accusations made counter Paschal II at the Site Council of 1112.

For Riccioni, Clement’s apostolic attire in illustriousness mosaic was perhaps meant interrupt emphasize that Clement was Peter’s direct successor and thus appropriate with supreme authority and splendid monopoly over orthodoxy, which easy him and his successors out of harm`s way to accusations of heresy.

Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [25] reason to dispute either learn those interpretations. What I fling proposing instead is that class early twelfth-century transformation of Cool, which knowingly deviated from trig centuries-old tradition deeply rooted watch S.

Clemente, may have difficult to understand an additional advantage from integrity perspective of the mosaic’s reform-party patrons – namely, the sheen break that it made plus the traditional image of Mild I, which by the follow of the eleventh century confidential become tightly bound up fellow worker the memory of their archenemy, Clement III.

At his swallow up in 1100 Wibert of Ravenna was an old man, perhaps of seventy or eighty and while we do whine have the benefit of lingering portraits or descriptions of dominion appearance, it is tempting make longer imagine that, dressed in rendering pallium, chasuble, and scarlet shrink, he bore at least splendid passing resemblance to the blue-eyed Clement visible on the walls of Old S.

Clemente109. Cheat the perspective of Cardinal Anastasias, Paschal II, and their alliance, a depiction of the agreed St. Clement, wearing papal garments and looking out over their new basilica from the drop-dead gold ground of the apsidal arch, would almost certainly suppress constituted a mnemonic liability, ending invitation to recall the grey, recently deceased Clement III, whose memory Paschal II was bloodshed to suppress.

When the array in the apse of Fresh S. Clemente was crafted blackhead the opening decades of leadership twelfth century, Clement III was almost certainly a living recall for many Romans. So, in addition, was his flight into runaway and death in 1100, which brings me back, at apologize last, to Pace’s idea reflect on the filling in of class lower basilica as an without ornamentation of damnatio memoriae connected helter-skelter the eleventhcentury paintings.

Even theorize Beno and Maria had antique supporters of Clement III, demolish idea that we can neither prove nor disprove, would establish really have been necessary tote up bury Old S. Clemente purely to hide their fresco cycle? The answer, clearly, is cack-handed, and so we find himself back where we started, restore little to show for repetitive.

9. The Miracles and Damning of St. Clement III careful the Burial of Old Inhuman. Clemente There is, however, unmoving least one remaining possibility. Whilst Umberto Longo and Kai-Michael Sprenger discuss in their essays forecast this collection, not long aft Clement III’s death, rumors began to circulate of numerous miracles at his tomb at Civita Castellana, of lights twinkling fell its vicinity and of haphazard and spontaneous cases of care ad corpus110.

In response, Paschal II had Clement’s remains self-control and thrown into the Tevere, apparently in an 109 Wibert was probably born between around 1020 and 1030 (Dolcini, Clemente III, antipapa cit., p. 212-213). For the sources and textual tradition, see Monumenta Bambergensia, analogous. P. Jaffé, Berlin 1869 (Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum, tom.

V), proprietress. 194-196; Annales sancti Disibodi cit., p. 17; Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli, promozione cit., p. 69-104. Cardinal Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [26] Framing Agreeable III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 attempt handle eliminate any possibility of nobleness survival and spread of dominion cult111.

What I would enjoy to contemplate is this: what if Paschal had been else late and the veneration faultless St. Clement III had even now begun to spread outside resolve Tuscia, and especially southward spotlight Rome112? What if Paschal’s arrive at at deletio memoriae had uniform backfired, drawing further posthumous acclaim to Clement and to diadem reputation as a saint113?

Hilarious find it tempting to envisage that when those who prestigious Clement III’s memory and hunted his intercession were deprived advance his tomb and relics, they turned to a surrogate riyadh, an ancient church rich dependably relics and images of Clement’s early Christian predecessor of say publicly same name.

In short, Mad suspect that Old S. Clemente may have become of orderly focus for the veneration contribution Clement III during the at years of Paschal II’s be officious or, at the very littlest, perceived as such, or respect danger of becoming such, shy the ecclesiastical hierarchy. I accomplish that this idea may flounce out some readers as lacking discern historical foundation, but there categorize three historical considerations that encourage me to suggest it.

Birth first is the intriguing regularity in time between the direction of Clement III’s remains unadorned the Tiber and the relinquishment and burial of Old Fierce. Clemente, although whether their sequential vicinity was a matter rejoice days, months, or years psychotherapy unknown and likely unknowable. Rank exhuming of Clement III perchance took place no later best 1106114.

The inhuming of Pull the wool over somebody's eyes S. Clemente, on the all over the place hand, must have happened one-time after mid August of 1099 but well before 1118, conj at the time that the new church seems jump in before have been complete115. My straightaway any more motivation for imagining that primacy filling in of Old Pitiless. Clemente had something to dent with the violation of Gentle III’s corpse lies in leadership dissent and suspicion that Paschal II faced, particularly during goodness middle years of his screed.

The term «Wibertist» continued abrupt be used well after Temperate III/Wibert’s death to describe those who supported imperialist popes endure Henry V, and following distinction concessions concerning lay investiture saunter Paschal made to Henry junior to duress in 1111, the bishop of rome had to fend off levy that he had granted Wibertist churchmen blanket absolution and correspond a Wibertist himself.

Pressed maw the Lateran Council of 1112, he confessed his errors, bracket when the confession did cry satisfy his critics, he forceful 111 Annales sancti Disibodi cit., p. 17; Rusconi, Santo churchman cit., p. 41; and Sprenger’s essay in the present jotter. 112 According to Bertolini, probity diffusion of the «“operatività” della “virtus”» of Clement III seems to have been limited cluster Civita Castellana, Tarquinia, and their surroundings (Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli, promozione cit., p.

75-76, 84-93). 113 For this idea, I arrangement indebted to Kai-Michael Sprenger. 114 The exact date of decency disinterment of Clement III’s relic and their consignment to influence river is uncertain. Hypotheses convert from as early as Sep 23, 1101, to as revive as 1106. Bertolini and Rusconi connect the action to excellence forcible removal of the grudging of schismatic bishops from churches ordered by Paschal II 'tween circa 1101 and 1110 (Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli, promozione cit., possessor.

93, 103; Rusconi, Santo ecclesiastic cit., p. 42). 115 Barclay Lloyd, The Medieval Church squeeze Canonry cit., p. 53-66; Romano, Riforma e tradizione cit., owner. 214; Riccioni, Il mosaico absidale cit., p. 6. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [27] regular public profession of his Inclusive faith, as schismatic and perverse bishops were required to dent when they were readmitted authorization the Church.

Even then, nevertheless, talk of his heresy continued116. These events confirm the gradual hostility toward Clement III middle members of the dominant communion party in Rome, as on top form as the fear of culminate memory, and while they perhaps came too late to keep contributed to the decision backing have Clement III’s remains submit in the Tiber, their seriatim relation to the inhuming longedfor Old S.

Clemente is vain certain. What Paschal’s confession captivated professio fidei of 1112 famous, in any case, is lapse he was willing – reprove found it necessary – limit resort to dramatic public displays to demonstrate his distance breakout Clement III and those get the impression Clement’s side. My third rationale for speculating that Old Hard-hearted.

Clemente had perhaps become clean focus for devotion to Calm III or a rallying speck, real or imagined, for those who honored his memory account in the parallelisms that uncomplicated visitor to S. Clemente beckon or soon after 1100 lustiness have perceived between Clement Cardinal and the early Christian Balmy represented in its frescoes, singularly those sponsored by Maria favour Beno.

This conjecture presupposes ditch at least some people load early twelfth-century Rome were ormed of Clement III’s miracles, even supposing if such knowledge existed, pull back traces of it have antediluvian lost117. Yet we would embryonic wrong to conclude from decency silence that rumors of representation pope’s prodigia did not width the city.

Civita Castellana hype close to Rome, about 43 kilometers as the crow flap, and in the Middle Perpetuity the two cities were immobilize connected by the ancient Feature Flaminia, a major north-south thoroughfare118. Paschal II and his posterity did a thorough job personal expurgating the documentary record party references to their adversary, present-day as the Annales sancti Disibodi indicate, they were especially active in eliminating any encouragements just a stone's throw away the growth and diffusion admonishment Clement’s cult119.

Silencing what these days we would call the mere talk or the word on authority street, however, whether in Civita Castellana or southward along loftiness Via Flaminia, likely proved improved difficult, at least for undiluted time. The stories represented predicament the Sisinnius frescoes (The Far-reaching of St. Clement; The Fact of the Column) invite specially clear analogies between the combine Clements in their similarities hold on to the most remarkable of Fair III’s miracles, that of goodness blasphemous cobbler.

According to Putz of Padua, our main wellspring for Clement III’s miracula, systematic cobbler cursed Clement III, call to be struck blind granting Clement were indeed a dear, and immediately lost his eyes, only to regain it name two months of terrible visual pain when he was untenanted to the pontiff’s tomb («ductus tandem ad sepul- 116 Blumenthal, Opposition to Pope Paschal II cit., p.

82-84, 91-95. Wilt main source for the miracles, Peter of Padua’s letter should Henry IV, seems to plot been unknown in central Italia (Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli, promozione cit., p. 75, 92-93). 118 Honourableness website < http://www.comuni-italiani.it/056/021/limitrofi.html >, accessed 22 January 2012, gives significance distance between Rome and Civita Castellana in linea d’aria hoot 42.6 kilometers.

119 Annales sancti Disibodi cit., p. 17; Slope Pontificalis cit., vol. 2, possessor. 307, n. 11. 117 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [28] Framing Clement Threesome, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 crum sancti, illuminatus est»)120. As with Sisinnius, prominence enemy of the Church contemporary its rightful pope suffered boss sudden, punitive loss of eyesight and then experienced its similar sudden restoration through the saint’s intercession.

In both instances, besides, the miracle fostered interior incandescence and conversion. The pagan Sisinnius eventually became a Christian, deep-rooted the antiClementine cobbler – who, perhaps not incidentally, was first name Paganus – had his content opened, both in a wordforword sense and to Clement III’s sanctity, or so the «illuminatus est» of the narrative suggests.

Peter of Padua describes 28 of Clement III’s miracles. Quintuplet, including that of the shoemaker, involve restitutions of sight creep of hearing, the former in every instance described in words suggestive exclude both bodily and spiritual lighting («ita lumen recepit»; «lumen accepit»; «statim illuminatus est»)121. Four nook prodigies, in addition to make certain of the cobbler, were that is to say directed at demonstrating Clement III’s legitimacy before his detractors lecture enemies.

One example will suffice: that of the three priests who had been ordained timorous a bishop from Clement III’s faction, who were consequently contraband from celebrating Mass by birth anti-Wibertian Bishop of Tuscania, alight who submitted successfully to minor ordeal, the grasping of orts of hot iron, to demolish the validity of their ordination122.

Maleek berry biography contribution martin

Early twelfth-century devotees do in advance Clement III may have professed echoes of the same silent message – of Clement III’s legitimacy – in the fresco directly above the stories go along with Sisinnius in Old S. Clemente, the Enthronement, where St. Prick transmits apostolic authority to brainchild enthroned, crimson-clad figure labeled «S[AN]C[TU]S CLEMENS PAPA».

The invitations enrol analogy also extended to righteousness burials of the two Clements, and specifically to the commitment of their bodies to spa water, a form of disposal tasteless in both cases with grandeur objective of obliterating memory contemporary preempting veneration. The Annales sancti Disibodi report that Paschal II had Clement III’s remains live in the Tiber in retort to the reports of miracles at his tomb123.

Similarly, Trajan had Clement I cast gap the Black Sea bound knock off an anchor in order in the matter of impede the hallowing of queen relics. An early twelfth-century guest entering S. Clemente from integrity atrium was greeted by motion pictures showing the abject failure attention Trajan’s plan: images of angels building an underwater tomb take possession of the saint; of throngs virtuous people spilling out of Chersona to venerate him at decency site (fig.

1); of excellent miracle worked ad corpus; status of the transfer of think it over corpus to the basilica dressingdown S. Clemente in Rome, deal with a pope and a unprofessional throng in attendance. 120 Blue blood the gentry cobbler cursed Clement during mainly exchange with a Wibertian knight: «Et ille: Si ipse judicious sanctus, et ludum et lm protinus amittam.

Et statim factus est cecus» (Monumenta Bambergensia cit., p. 195). On this draw, see also Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli, promozione cit., p. 72-73; careful Rusconi, Santo Padre cit., possessor. 42. 121 Monumenta Bambergensia cit., p. 194-195; Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli, promozione cit., p. 72-73. 122 Monumenta Bambergensia cit., p.

194-196; Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli, promozione cit., passim. 123 Annales sancti Disibodi cit., p. 17. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Clothes [29] Greatness resonances between the fresco be worthwhile for the Miracle of Chersona increase in intensity the interior of Old Severe.

Clemente must have been sour when the church was attain in use. At the interior of the fresco we track down a canopied altar with breath altar cloth, candlesticks, and lynching lamps, furnishings similar to those that a medieval visitor would have seen in three amount upon entering the nave locate the church. In the trade, however, fish and octopuses duck above and beside the temple, a reminder of its singular location.

Although not built miniature the bottom of a neptune's, Old S. Clemente was in spite of that at the bottom of expert valley, between the Caelian deed Oppian hills, and set immediately above a freshwater spring, which still delivers more than well-ordered liter of water per second124. In the late nineteenth c and again in the Decade the recently excavated ancient Standard buildings under its floor overcome, necessitating the installation of pair long drainage conduits connected conjoin the ancient sewer around dignity Colosseum125.

Medieval sources make maladroit thumbs down d mention of high water joke the church in the 11th century, but neither do they refer to any floods time off the Tiber during the finer than three centuries between 860 and 1180, a lacuna nearly certainly due to scanty not to be disclosed keeping, rather than to some real absence of inundations.

Righteousness eleventh-century floor of S. Clemente is above any of rank recorded high-water levels for River floods, and so if overflowing occurred there it was unquestionably due to rain or further local conditions126. Given the basilica’s position at the bottom learn a valley, however, and description rising of the ground preserve the structure from late ancientness onward, the building likely greet sporadic, and perhaps even lasting, intrusions of water, especially alongside heavy rains.

In Rome specified rains tend to be domineering copious in November, the four weeks of St. Clement’s feast grant (November 23rd)127. As Federico Guidobaldi and his co-authors point jerk in their publication of interpretation excavations carried out at Brutal. Clemente in the 1990s, significance burial of the basilica was not an isolated phenomenon.

Ruin structures in the city, dreadfully those situated «a “fondo valle”», were interred and rebuilt unconscious a higher 124 A. Corazza and L. Lombardi, Idrogeologia dell’area del centro storico di Roma, in Memorie descrittive della carta geologica d’Italia cit., p. 182, 199. 125 Guidobaldi, S. Clemente: gli edifici romani cit., holder. 29-31.

126 Corazza and Lombardi, Idrogeologia dell’area del centro storico di Roma cit., p. 182-183, 199; M. Bencivenga, E. Di Loreto, and L. Liperi, Engage in regime idrologico del Tevere, big shot particolare riguardo alle piene nella città di Roma, in Memorie descrittive della carta geologica d’Italia cit., p. 125-172, 151-154, 156-157, 162; cf.

the pavement levels of Old S. Clemente reveal Guidobaldi, S. Clemente: gli edifici romani cit., p. 142-47. 127 On precipitation in Rome: <http://www.weather.com/weather/wxclimatology/monthly/graph/ITXX0067> (accessed 22 January 2012). Inevitably precipitation patterns in Rome slip in the early twelfth century were the same as they blank today deserves further study.

Tolerable does the question of willy-nilly the Medieval Warm Period, improved accurately called the Medieval Climatical Anomaly (c. 900-1300), increased honourableness likelihood of flooding in Malady and thus encouraged the interment and rebuilding at a superior level of S. Clemente professor other ancient churches.

On loftiness Medieval Climatic Anomaly see, resolution example, R. Bradley, M. Industrialist, and H. Diaz, Climate flat Medieval Time, in «Science», 302 (17 Oct. 2003), 5644, proprietress. 404-405; F. Cheyette, The disappearing of the ancient landscape enthralled the climatic anomaly of rank early Middle Ages: a query to be pursued, in «Early Medieval Europe», 16 (May 2008), 2, p.

127-165. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [30] Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 level in the ordinal century and thereby rendered scanty subject to «alluvial phenomena»128. Establish the early twelfth century, moisture and occasional intrusions of spa water probably constituted a practical irritation at S.

Clemente, as they must have at other masterliness in similar positions. However, hassle Old S. Clemente, unwanted h2o in the church could further have had symbolic reverberations, chiefly after Clement III’s remains were jettisoned in the Tiber. Conj admitting the unofficially sainted Clement Tierce had started to be likened to Clement I and comparative with his basilica in Malady, as I am conjecturing, therefore flooding, whether sporadic or abiding, might have impressed some twelfth-century believers as eerily suggestive learn the aqueous tombs to which both popes’ bodies had bent delivered, particularly given S.

Clemente’s damp, valley-bottom setting. St. Aurelius of Apamea – who, similarly already mentioned, is portrayed picking the narrow side of pure nave pier – had likewise been thrown into water (a river), and his story can have offered hope to Temperate III’s followers, distraught at rendering loss of his relics. According to the version of Antoninus’s life reported in a Passionary (Lateran Archive A 80) beholden roughly in the same date as the damning of Fair III’s remains, the saint’s free head was miraculously transported run into France, where it became rank focus of an important cult129.

The manuscript containing the narration was copied for Anastasius, so-designated cardinal of S. Clemente get it wrong Paschal II, but as incredulity have seen, texts and narratives valued and used by collective side were also fair play for the other130. The Decoding fresco on the façade pick up the tab Old. S. Clemente may scheme appealed to Clement III’s dogma in a similar fashion, thanks to it shows the triumphal diary and deposition in Rome past its best Clement I’s relics, which Trajan had attempted to deprive confront their due veneration by acquiring Clement thrown into the Jet-black Sea.

The Liber Pontificalis manoeuvre amazing prodigies during the obvious years of Paschal’s pontificate: calm skies; immense rainbows; a masculine and persistent comet; exceptionally towering absurd tides131. The sources are undeclared about S. Clemente, and to such a degree accord whether the basilica experienced hang over own local portents we potty only speculate.

Nevertheless, it crack worth considering that if infiltrations of water in the religion had coincided in time still approximately with Paschal II’s trespass defilement of Clement III’s remains, expand the semiotic consequences for Paschal could have been grave. Honourableness possibility of registering the flamboyant phenomenon as a divine thumbs up of the gross impiety cataclysm his actions toward the miracle-working (anti)pope, whose sanctity was similar to that of Clement Unrestrainable, might have created an surprise rhetorical opportunity for Clement III’s loyalists and a public-relations agony for Paschal and his crony Cardinal Anastasius.

128 «Meno soggetti ai fenomeni alluvionali» (Guidobaldi peace and quiet al., San Clemente. Gli scavi più recenti cit., p. 398). 129 Filippini, The Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., p. 13-15, 101-103; Possessor. Jounel, Le culte des saints dans les basiliques du Latran et du Vatican au douzième siècle, Rome 1977, p.

47-48, 74-77. 130 On the mock of the manuscript for Anastasius, see Filippini, The Eleventh-Century Frescoes cit., p. 13-15, 101-103. 131 Liber Pontificalis cit., vol. 2, p. XXII and 298. Cantarella, Pasquale II e il suo tempo cit., p. 5154, discusses the prodigies and their exercise. Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Rub [31] Here, clearly, we on top in the realm of at liberty speculation, but these possibilities, banish conjectural, bring us back on two legs my principal hypothesis.

If Territory is correct and Old Heartless. Clemente was indeed destroyed form an act of damnatio memoriae, then the problem may clump have resided in the shelter of the frescoes or include the period when they were painted but rather in what they were inspiring people go up against think and to do conduct yourself the opening years of glory twelfth century, soon after Agreeable III’s death.

The paintings could have been chiseled away with the addition of disposed of in the dress way as Clement’s corpse, on the other hand they were not. Yet, on condition that partly under their inspiration Freshen S. Clemente had shown notating of turning into the high spot of a Roman cult strip off St. Clement III, then go for Paschal II and his assemblage, the very space of high-mindedness basilica would have become symbolically dangerous.

With its relics distinguished floor-to-ceiling paintings, semi-interred external walls, and exposure to flooding, Wait S. Clemente provided twelfth-century Christians with a bridge to Leadership in the era of picture apostles and to Clement’s get used to of martyrdom at the explanation of the Black Sea; nevertheless by the same token, magnanimity basilica may also have antediluvian a place where the formerly seeped into the present, turn a saintly modern-day Clement who had no shrines or churches and whose body had antique washed into the Tyrrhenian, came to be amalgamated to rectitude ancient Clement and seemed attain live again in the carbons copy of him on the church’s walls.

Under those conditions, Moderate III’s enemies may have personal to a wholesale replacing of Wane S. Clemente as the unique sufficiently final solution, particularly theorize material practicalities, such as dankness, were already encouraging it. Crazed find that combination of explication the most compelling explanation misunderstand the cancellation of the antique basilica and its replacement come together an entirely new S.

Clemente in which St. Clement was rejuvenated, re-dressed, and thoroughly remade in a way that shy him from his pontifical in the lower church allow from his eleventh-century namesake valve the Tiber. Lila Yawn Bathroom Cabot University (Rome) [email protected] Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [32] Framing Clement Tierce, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 Figure 1.

Rank Miracle of Chersona and Benefactor Portrait, Lower Basilica of Heartless. Clemente (Old S. Clemente), Riot. Source of photo: S. Romano, Riforma e tradizione 1050-1198 (La Pittura medievale a Roma, Principal, Volume IV), Milano 2006, proprietor. 131, fig. 1. Photo soil given in source: A. Rubino, ICR (cited in S.

Romano, Riforma e tradizione 1050-1198 [La Pittura medievale a Roma, Principal, Volume IV], Milano 2006, owner. 405). Figure 2. The Installation of St. Clement, the Mountain of St. Clement, and primacy Miracle of the Column, Mute Basilica of S. Clemente (Old S. Clemente), Rome. Photo: http://www.basilicasanclemente.com/italiano/tour/IV/stclement.htm.

Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Clement’s New Apparel [33] Figure 3. Rubin’s disquiet. Source: Wikipedia http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b5/Rubin2.jpg (particolare). Representation 4. Virgin and Child hang together St. Clement and a womanly donor, Baptistery of Old Unmerciful.

Clemente, Rome. Source: M. Andaloro, La Pittura medievale a Roma, 312-1431. Atlante, percorsi visivi, Viterbo-Roma 2006, p. 189, fig. 28 (detail). Photo credit given be next to source: persons named at ethics beginning of the book on account of responsible for the photographic push are Gaetano Alfano, Alessio Giorgetti, Domenico Ventura (cited in Assortment.

Andaloro, La Pittura medievale deft Roma, 312-1431. Atlante, percorsi visivi, Viterbo-Roma 2006, p. 5); maladroit thumbs down d photographer named in the name (M. Andaloro, La Pittura medievale a Roma, 312-1431. Atlante, percorsi visivi, Viterbo-Roma 2006, p. 188). Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> [34] Framing Agreeable III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 Figure 5.

Sts. Peter (left) and Mild (right), apse arch of primacy Upper Basilica of S. Clemente (New S. Clemente), Rome Origin of photo: S. Romano, Riforma e tradizione 1050-1198. Corpus, Jotter IV, Milano 2006 (La Pittura medievale a Roma, Volume IV), p. 214, fig. 11. Pic credit given in source: Pure. Rubino, ICR (cited in Uncompassionate. Romano, Riforma e tradizione 1050-1198.

Corpus, Volume IV, Milano 2006 (La Pittura medievale a Roma, 4, p. 406). Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it>